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Full text of "Culture dynamics at Luebo : an ethnography of religious agents of change in Zaire"

CULTURE DYMAMICS AT LUEBO: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF 
RELIGIOUS AGENTS OF CHANGE IN ZAIRE 



By 

DANIEL PURDY JUENGST 



A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL 

OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR 

THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 



UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 
1975 



\ 



Copyright 1975 Daniel Purdy Juengst 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2013 



http://archive.org/details/culturedynamicsaOOjuen 



This work is dedicated 
to my mother 

ADELE PURDY JUEfJGST 



a splendid bearer of her culture 

whose constancy in concern has 

enhanced five generations of our 

family and has challenged me 

to continuing growth. 



• ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 

I am deeply indebted to numerous individuals for sui)port and 
encouragement received during the preparation of this dissertation. 1 
shall begin by expressing my gratitude to Sara Covin Juengst, my wife, 
and to our children. They have shared the good moments and the bad. 
Through the entire process their confidence and expectations have been 
a constant encouragement. 

I would like next to especially thank my Committee Chairman, 
Professor Brian M. duToit. He recruited me to the University of Florida, 
taught me Anthropology and has encouraged and supported me in the 
manner of an authentic mentor. It is not an exaggeration to say tJiat 
his role has been absolutely crucial to the completion of this project. 

I owe a debt of gratitude to each of the other members of my 
committee: to Professor Solon T. Kimball, for his encouragement and 
the anthropological insights so abundant in his teaching, to Associate 
Professor Haig Der-Houssikian for his continued interest and support as 
Director of the Center for African Studies at the University of Florida, 
to Assistant Professor Carol E. Taylor for her encouragement and her 
anthropological insights into the process of becoming an anthropologist, 
and lastly to Professor Richard H. Hiers for his interest and concern 
through the years. 

The list could be extended excessively. The missionaries and 

Zairians who were informants and friends, the staff members of the 

iv 



Presbyterian Church in the United States, the staff of the Presbyterian 
Historical Foundation, numerous friends along the way all contributed 
to this work. 

One of these friends must not remain nameless, Carolyn J. 
Grimes. I engaged her as my typist, but her exceptional skill and 
dedication quickly made me aware of the fact that I was benefiting from 
an editorial assistant. I am grateful to her for her contribution. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 

Page 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv 

TABLE OF CONTENTS v1 

LIST OF PLATES x 

LIST OF TABLES xi 

LIST OF FIGURES xii 

ABSTRACT xiii 

INTRODUCTION 1 

Chapter 

1. THE GENERAL ENVIRONMENT 5 

Geography 5 

Indigenous Demography and Culture 8 

European Demography and Culture 17 

2. THE HISTORY OF THE MISSIONARY COMMUNITY 22 

Penetration and Establishment (1890-1920) 24 

Transition and Expansion (1921-1940) 30 

Re-evaluation and Concentration (1941-1950) 34 

Subsidization and Change (1951-1960) .... 36 

3. THE POPULATION OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY 39 

Personnel Numbers 39 

Missionary Origins 41 

Professions of Missionary Personnel 42 

vi 



TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) Page 

The Evangelistic 42 

The Educational 43 

The Medical 43 

The Industrial 45 

Business 45 

The Central School for Missionaries' Children .... 45 

Wives 45 

The Missionaries Themselves 46 

Indigenous Personnel 56 

4. THE MATERIAL BASE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY 60 

Luebo Station and the APCM. 61 

Buildings and Dwellings 66 

The Church 69 

The Missionary Residences 72 

The McKowen Memorial Hospital 76 

The J. Leighton VJilson Press 76 

The Evangelistic Office 78 

The Primary School 79 

The Girl's Home 79 

The Preacher's School 79 

Households 80 

Missionary Furnishings and Equipment 86 

The Missionary Diet 87 

Missionary Clothing 89 

Finances 90 

vii 



TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) Page 

5. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION I: PRESBYTERIAN TRADITION AND THE 

FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY. ....... 9} 

Presbyterian Tradition 93 

The Formal Structure • 95 

The Mission 96 

The Stations 104 

The~'Departments 106 

The Congregations (Ekelezia Mujadika) 108 

The Presbyteries (Bihangu) 109 

The Synod (Mpungilu) 110 

6. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION II: PATTERNS OF INTERACTION AND 

THE INFORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY 113 

Patterns of Interaction 113 

Work 113 

Marriage and the Family 118 

Recreation 123 

Religion 128 

Related Events 129 

The Circular Vote 130 

Checking Out 130 

The Station Supper 131 

The Outdoor Tea 132 

Eating Around 132 

The Informal Structure 133 

In-groups and Cliques 134 

Longevity Grades 134 

vi i i 



TABLE OF CONTEriTS (Continued) Page 

Kinship Networks (Real and Fictive) . . 136 

Professional Groups 137 

7. THE CRISIS OF INDEPENDENCE 139 

Social and Political Change 140 

Tribal Conflict 142 

Independence Day 143 

Evacuation of Missionaries 145 

Reoccupation and Change 146 

The Death of the Mission 147 

8. THE DEVOLUTION OF THE MISSION: AN ANALYSIS OF CHANGE. . . . 149 

Changes in the Formal Structure 149 

Changes in the Informal Structure 151 

9. INITIATION OF ACTION, IDEOLOGY AND UNPLANNED CHANGE: 

SOME THEORETICAL CONCLUSIONS 155 

APPENDIX 1: A HANDBOOK FOR MISSIONARY SERVICE 158 

APPENDIX 2: OFFICIAL SUGGESTIONS CONCERNIuG OUTFIT 171 

REFERENCES CITED 180 

ADDITIONAL REFERENCES 184 

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 187 



IX 



LIST OF PLATES 

Page 

1. Board of World Missions promotional map of American 

Presbyterian Congo Mission . 4 

2a. Young Zairian mission employee with v/ife, home and 

transportation 15 

b. Same couple inside their home 15 

3a. The church at APCM-Luebo 71 

b. Another view of APCM-Luebo church 71 

4a. Missionary residence at APCM-Luebo 73 

b. Newest missionary residence at APCM-Luebo 73 

5a. Writer's residence at APCM-Luebo 75 

b. Interior of writer's residence 75 

6a. The press director's residence at APCM-Luebo 77 

b. Missionary residence showing exterior kitchen at 

APCM-Luebo 77 

7a. Village evangelists and indigenous church elders Ill 

b. Zairian church pastors and missionary conducting a 

worship service Ill 

8a. Outdoor tea at APCM-Luebo 127 

b. Missionary picnic on island in Lulua River 127 

9a. Lulua refugees around church at APCM-Luebo 144 

b. Burned houses after tribal fighting at APCM-Luebo I44 



LIST OF TABLES 

Page 

1. Population data 1952 18 

2. Missionary personnel appointments by period and department, . 44 

3. Dollar input and personnel by year (1940-1949) 47 

4. Dollar input and personnel by year (1950-1959) 48 

5. Dollar input and personnel by year (1960-1967) 49 

6. Statistical report of Luebo 58 



X3 



LIST OF FIGURES 

Page 

1. Road map of the Kasayi in late colonial period 6 

2. Map of Roman Catholic and Protestant missionary activity 

in Zaire prior to 1960 20 

3. Map of Belgian Congo showing railroad and mission stations . . 31 

4. Mission map showing five major stations and their 

dependent villages 33 

5. Map of APCM-Luebo and portion of the town of Luebo 65 

6. Plan showing layout of APCM-Luebo 69 

7. Organizational chart of missionary groupings. ...... 107 



xn 



Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council 

of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the 

Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 



CULTURE DYNAMICS AT LUEBO: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF 
RELIGIOUS AGENTS OF CHANGE IN ZAIRE 

By 

Daniel Purdy Juengst 

August, 1975 

Chairman: Brian M. duToit 
Major Department: Anthropology 

A religious mission to Zaire sponsored by Presbyterians from the 
southern United States is investigated ethnographical ly. Over an eighty- 
five year period the American Presbyterian Congo Mission has carried out 
its religious, medical, educational and social mission in the Kasayi 
region of Zaire. Culture history, population characteristics and the 
material base of the missionary community are described in the context of 
the surrounding African culture. 

The formal social organization of the missionary group is de- 
scribed and the significance of culturally persistent features stemming 
from American Presbyterian culture are pointed out. A description of 
communication and control networks, reciprocity linkages and relationship 
characteristics is developed from the examination of individual missionary 
interactions with members of their households, with fellow missionaries, 
with African members of their work cohorts, with other Europeans and with 
the general African population. This analysis reveals an informal level 
of organization which is determinative in the processes of the missionary 
community. 

The events and the concomitant changes in patterns of interaction 
xiii 



which took place during the period immediately prior to and following 
Zaire's attainment of political independence are described. The effects 
of these situational changes on the missionary cormunity are examined 
with special emphasis on their relationship to missionary career expecta- 
tions, ideology and cultural maintenance. 

Conclusions are drawn concerning the significance of situational 
events, initiation of action potential, balanced reciprocity relationships 
and symbolic systems for the existence of a particular community form and 
its culture. 



XIV 



INTRODUCTION 

The indigenous people of Africa have long been the subjects of 
anthropological study. Ethnographies have been written to describe 
the life ways of the najority of the major ethnic groupings in sub- 
Saharan Africa. In the late 1930's, under the leadership of B. 
Malinowski (1938), research was undertaken on the processes of culture 
contact and change. Since that period the bulk of African anthropolo- 
gical research has been on the various aspects of change: accultura- 
tion, migration, urbanization, de-colonization, nation-building and 
modernization. 

During the entire colonial period in Africa, Christian mis- 
sionaries from the western nations have been on the scene, contributing 
to and participating in the processes of change that are taking place. 
T.O. Beidelman has pointed out that "almost no attention was ever paid 
by anthropologists to the study of colonial groups such as administra- 
tors, missionaries or traders" (1974:235). He suggests that research 
on these groups would be useful because, among other re.-'.sons, "the 
problems of planned social change, of communication, and exorcise of 
power between culturally different groups, remains one of the most im- 
portant and pressing sociological issues" (1974:236). 

The present study has been undertaken to partially meet the 
need for anthropological research on v^/estern agents of change in Africa. 
The basic research methodology has been participant observation. The 

1 



writer was an active missionary of the Presbyterian Church in the United 
States and a resident member of the American Presbyterian Congo Mission 
in Zaire during the periods: January 1959 to July 1960; September 
1963 to July 19G5; and September 19G6 to July 1968. He was also pres- 
ent in the Kasayi from October 1970 to August 1972 during which time 
he taught at the Middle Norinal School of the National University of 
Zaire at Kananga (formerly Luluabourg). 

The material collected is being presented basically in ethno- 
graphic form. There will be one deviation from the traditional ethno- 
graphic descriptive style in that the "ethnograpliic present tense" has 
not been used throughout but rather only for the specific site descrip- 
tion of Luebo (Chapter 4). The historical past tense is used elsewhere. 
Although the focus of the study is on the missionary community at 
Luebo during 1959 and 1960^ this community and its culture can only 
be understood in the context of the 70 years of mission history prior 
to the time of observation, and in the light of the socio-cul tural 
change which took place in the Kasayi immediately subsequent to that 
period. 

The general physical and social environment of the missionary 
community at Luebo will be described in Chapter 1. The historical 
background and development of the larger msisionary organization of 
which the community at Luebo was one sub-unit, will be sketched in 
Chapter 2. Chapter 3 deals with the population of the missionary 
groups, both in terms of the larger organization extending throughout 
the Kasayi area and in terms of the specific group resident at Luebo. 
The discussion of the Luebo group includes description of the types of 



indigenous Africans with whom the missionaries had the most extensive 
interaction. 

The material base of the missionary community is described in 
Chapter 4. Following this presentation of general setting, historical 
development, people involved and material situation. Chapters 5 and 6 
deal with the social organization of the missionary community. The 
Presbyterian traditions of the American missionaries and the resulting 
formal structures found among them in the Kasayi are treated in Chapter 
5. An analysis of actual patterns of interaction and quasi-ritualistic 
events and assemblages (Kimball and Pearsall 1955) at the mission 
station reveal informal structures which are described in Chapter 6. 

The rapid changes which took place immediately prior to and 
following political independence in Zaire are described in Chapter 7. 
The effects of these changes on the missionary community and culture 
are treated in Chapter 8. 

During the period 1960 to 1962 the missionary community and 
culture changed radically. An analysis of the importance of such 
factors as the potential for the initiation of action, changing ideo- 
logical or symbolic systems, and territoriality leads to the formula- 
tion of conclusions concerning these factors and the existence of an 
established community of religious agents of change. 

It should be pointed out, perhaps needlessly, that all the 
names referring to individuals participating in the events observed 
at Luebo have been changed. Specific historical references and individ 
uals cited in published material are true. 



PLATE 1 




Board of World riissions promotional map of American Presbyterian Congo 
Mission. Source: 1964 Annual Report. Nashville, Tn.: Board of World 
Missions, p. 26. 



CHAPTER 1 
THE GENERAL ENVIRONMENT 

During the period since 1960 many of the place names in Zaire 
have been changed. As the original observation upon which this study 
is based was made during the 18 months prior to Independence Day (June 
30, 1960), the usage here will reflect the older terminology. Al- 
though this study deals partly with the American Presbyterian Congo 
Mission as a whole, its ethnographic focus is on the mission station 
at Luebo. 

Geography 

Luebo is the administrative capital of the Kasayi District of 
Zaire, the former Belgian Congo (cf. Figure 1). It is situated at 
the junction of the Luebo and Lulua Rivers. The Lulua River is one 
of the navigable tributaries of the Kasayi River, which itself is one 
of the largest tributaries of the great Congo (Zaire) River. Luebo 
was opened as a trading post in 1883 by the explorer Major Hermann 
Von Wissmann. It then became an administrative post of the Independ- 
ent State of the Congo. It occupies a latitude of about 5 and 1/2 
degrees south and is about 1200 miles by river from the Atlantic 
coast at 21 degrees 30" west longitude. The Lulua River at Luebo is 
1300 feet above sea level and APCM-Luebo, the mission station, is 
over 1700 feet (AR 1927, cf. footnote on page 23 below). 

The surrounding area, for which the combination of town and 
mission at Luebo serves as a commercial, educational, medical and 

5 



religious center, stretches out to the southeast forming what is known 
as the Kasayi region between the Kasayi and Sankuru Rivers. The 
Kasayi region covers an area of approximately 30,000 square miles. 

The Kasayi region, except for its northernmost section, is 
located in the geographic region known as the Southern Uplands. The 
northern tip of the area extends into the Congo Basin, the immense 
geological depression through which the Congo River flows its 240 
degree arc of 2800 miles to the Atlantic. 

Luebo and all of the other mission stations of the APCM ex- 
cept Bulape to the north are in the Southern Uplands which is charac- 
terized by savanna vegetation. These Southern Uplands cover a surface 
area of one-third of the nation. Most of the region is rolling 
country which slopes gradually from a maximum altitude of about 4,000 
feet in the south to between 1,200 and 2,500 feet where the rolling 
plains merge with the outer edges of the Congo Basin. Grasses pre- 
dominate over most of the area, but are interspersed with scattered 
clumps of shrubs and trees. 

The Kasayi region lies between latitude 4 degree? south and 
8 degrees south. Being in the southern hemisphere, there are 2 major 
annual climatic periods, a hot, wet season and a cool, dry season. 
Eight months of the year, from early September to mid-flay, is the 
rainy season. Local showers, usually of short duration, occur al- 
most daily. The dry season begins in the middle of May and lasts 
until September. It is wery dry but heavy dews keep the fields and 
grasses from complete drought. The nights are cool and the average 
daily temperature is around 75 degrees (Maclean 1961:3). 



8 

Fine grain soils predominate over two-thirds of the Southern 
Uplands and are found in varying mixtures in the Kasayi area. Diamonds 
were discovered in the Kasayi around 1913, leading to the development 
of the important mining industry. The 2 main fields are located about 
200 miles apart at Tshikapa on the Kasayi River south of Luebo and at 
Mbuji Kiayi near the Sankuru River southeast of Luebo. The resources 
of the Tshikapa area are smaller but contain a higher percentage of 
gem stones than are found at Mbuji Mayi , v,'hich produces the greater 
amount of industrial diamonds (McDonald 1971:19). 
Indigenous Demography and Culture 

The area is characterized by an ethnographic diversity due to 
a heterogeneous population made up of Luba, Lulua and Kete groups. 
Historically, the predominate groups were Lulua south of Luebo and 
Kete to the north. Luba populations migrated into the area during 
the colonial period. The predominantly rural population of the region 
live in villages of varying size and character throughout the area. 
The size and structure of the villages depended on the ethnic back- 
ground of the residents. An early missionary observer reports Lulua 
and Luba villages scattered throughout the uplands at a distance of 
every 15 or 20 miles (Verner 1903:465). 

At present, the most heavily populated regions lie in the 
area of Luluabourg, along tfie railroad that runs from Port Franqui 
in the northv/est through Katanga province to the southeast and, 
thirdly, near the diamond fields. This population, living throughout 
the area of activity of the APCM, belongs to various sub-groupings of 
the major tribes: Kuba, Lulua, Luba-Kasayi, Luntu, Kanyoka and 



Salampasu. 

The Luba-Kasayi were forced to become a migrant people to 
escape Arab slave traders. In the late 19th century they had formed 
hybrid communities with the Lulua, a closely associated ethnic group, 
placing themselves under the protection of the local Lulua chief 
(McDonald 1971:91). Between 1925 and 1940 other Luba, encouraged by 
the government and missions, settled along the railroad line and around 
the growing city of Luluabourg, where, by 1959 and possibly some years 
earlier, they represented 60% of the African population. 

The surface area of the Congo is deceptively large. Its 
2,343,930 square kilometers compare with the United States east of 
the Mississippi River or an area 4 times the size of France (Romaniuk 
1968:242). Population studies were attempted through the colonial 
period (1908-1950). The results of the earlier studies must, how- 
ever, be taken as merely indications due to the problematic nature of 
data-collecting methods employed. The official government estimate 
of the total population for the year 1910 was 7,248,000 (Trewartha and 
Zelinsky 1954:166). Later demographic studies indicate that this 
estimate was significantly low. 

When viewed over the whole colonial period the general trends 
can be delineated. It has been noted, for instance, that an increas- 
ingly large volume of vital statistics gathered by the Belgian colon- 
ial administration leaves little doubt that the African population 
must have been growing (Trewartha and Zelinsky 1954:1966). Romaniuk 
cites the total population at 13,175,000 for 1957 on the basis of 
acceptably valid figures from 1952 to 1957 (1959:569). 



10 

On the basis of the most conservative estimate for a projected 
natural growth rate (2.3% per annum), Romaniuk posits a total popula- 
tion of 17,700,000 in 1970, and a projected 22,210,000 in 1980 (1959: 
598). The period required for the doubling of the population is 31 
years. 

The quality of demographic data available on the Congo in- 
creased significantly in the late 1950's as a result of the extensive 
statistical survey known as the "Deomographic Inquiry 1955-1957." 
Anatole Romaniuk was given the responsibility of this study when he 
was appointed director of the newly formed Bureau of Demography 
(Romaniuk 1968:243). For this study 100 selected and trained inter- 
viewers interviewed 1.9 million persons, a sample of around 11% of 
the population. The administration's population registration system 
provided a sampling frame for the inquiry. It included a list, by 
administrative areas, of the 50,000 villages in Zaire, with approxi- 
mate figures of the number of persons in each village (Romaniuk 1968: 
244). 

The substantive results of the Demographic Inquiry which have 
significance for the examination of mission life at Luebo and the ac- 
tivity of the APCM in general are summarized in the following state- 
ments. In the period 1955-1957 the total Congolese population of 
13,000,000 was 78% "rural," that is, residing in traditional villages. 
"Urban" residents, that is, non-agricultural and living in cities of 
more than 2,000 inhabitants totaled 10% of the population.' Those 



^The usage of the term "urban" here follows that of the Bel- 
gian demographers cited. It is noted that United Nations classifies 
as urban groupings of 30,000 or more persons. 



n 



classified as "mixed," living in small commercial, administrative or 
industrial conglomerations of less than 2,000 persons, accounted for 
12% (Romaniuk 1968:338). The figures of 10% urban and 12?^ mixed com- 
pare favorably, when combined with earlier estimates by 2 writers 
(Moeller 1952:192 and Dellicour 1952:491), that the Congo population 
was 20% urban. 

It is important to note that the Kasayi province ranked next 
to last in 1957 among the provinces in the Congo in the fiumber of 
Europeans, 8,634 out of a national total of 108,957 foreigners. As 
mentioned, the foreign population in the Kasayi included colonial 
administrative, commercial and missionary personnel, Luluabourg, the 
principal city of the area with a population of 55,000, ranked fifth 
nationally in a list of 72 towns with a population of over 2,000 
(Romaniuk 1959:624). 

It has long been understood that the basic motive for the 
colonial enterprise v/as an economic one. The Belgian claim to fame 
in the Congo was based on the steady and diversified economic growth 
which they created through their administration (Comhaire 1955:9). 
The high margin of profit accruing to the European investment was 
largely due to the fact that most of the production was in the form 
of raw materials which were sold on the world market. The mines in 
the Kasayi and Katanga were typical of the "extractive" type industry 
which formed the basis of the colonial economy. 

The Belgian government acquired its colony from their king, 
Leopold II, following an international scandal over the Independent 
State of the Congo's exploitation of African labor. Being sensitive 



12 

to the responsibility of governing a portion of Africa 88 times larger 
in area t!ian their country, and being determined to improve the inter- 
national image of Belgium, the Belgian Parliament enacted legislation 
controlling all aspects of African life. They were av/are from the 
experience of other colonies that the "work contract," especially a 
long-term contract, was one of the regular sources of disruption in 
African society. The government defined minutely the rules which had 
to be followed (Libotte 1953:54ff) and the limits which had to be 
observed in recruiting and engaging Africans (Briey, 1945:386). 

The social legislation touching the economy related mostly to 
salaried v/orkers. The local market system remained relatively unaf- 
fected. Such measures as a "kopo," i.e., a cup - usually a tomato 
paste can - remain standard units. A beer bottle remains the stand- 
ard unit of palm oil and fish are sold by the piece. Duvieusart 
notes that the multitude of indigenous merchants did not create a 
competition which had the effect of lowering the prices as one might 
expect, rather the number served to limit the income of each seller 
(1959:78). 

The colonial government did make a few attempts to develop a 
solid peasantry through agricultural innovation. All of these schemes 
failed, mainly through the lack of education at the community level, 
and a paucity of insights regarding the target population, which an 
applied anthropologist might well have been able to provide (Beguin 
1965:910ff and Bailleul 1959:830). 

The demographic studies provide information on the amount and 
type of internal migration of the African population. The migration 



13 

figures show that, in spite of industrialization and urbanization, the 
majority of the African population tends to remain in their native 
area. In the Kasayi province, in 1950, 60,571 (68%) of the African 
workers were native to the territory (i.e., "county") of their employ- 
ment. There v/ere 19,075 workers (21%) from other territories in the 
same district. There were 8,193 workers (9%) from other districts in 
the same province. There were 1,263 workers (1.4%) from other pro- 
vinces, and only 69 workers (.007%) came from other countries 
(Trewartha and Zelinsky 1954:134). These figures indicate that through 
the years, the Presbyterian agents of change in the Kasayi were deal- 
ing with a relatively stable African population not experiencing the 
extreme labor migration seen in Katanga province and more especially 
in other African countries. 

Both the Lulua and the Luba-Kasayi speak as a first language 
slightly differing forms of Tshiluba. Tshiluba is one of the 6 common 
languages in Zaire, that is, it is used as a communication medium by 
other non-native speakers in the area. Tshiluba can be used with 
fluency by the various matrilineal groups surrounding the Lulua and 
Luba. The missions and their literacy campaigns v/ere instrumental 
in the development of 3 variants of this language. This will be dis- 
cussed below (cf. Chapter 6). 

The basic social grouping of the Lulua and Luba-Kasayi is the 
patrilineal localized lineage, an extended family grouping composed 
of several elementary families related through unilineal descent. In 
the Kasayi the local lineage, or tshoto , is quite small, composed of 
an average of 9 men and corresponding to a maximal depth of 4 genera- 



14 

tions. The lineages form a segmentary system with a maximal depth of 
around 20 generations. The territorial lineage is the minor lineage 
having a depth of about 6 generations. The residential group is made 
up of the men of the tshoto or local lineage with their wives and 
children as v/ell as maternal nephews and in earlier times a few slaves 
(Vansina 1965:166). The head of the local lineage is invariably a 
man, the mu kulu or "elder," a patriarch recognized as having certain 
mystical credentials qualifying him to carry out his role. The rights 
of a man's younger brothers take precedence over those of the younger 
generation. The brother of a man's mother has certain claims on him 
and his family. Plural marriages are accepted in the indigenous social 
organization but are usually limited to chiefs or others who have ac- 
cumulated unusual wealth. In a polygynous marriage, it is normal for 
each wife to maintain a separate house. 

House forms for both the Lulua and Luba are of rectangular 
mud-and-stick construction with a thatched roof of grass. Houses are 
scattered in an almost random manner throughout the village and are 
usually supplemented by small kitchen huts and sheds. 

The villages were organized along lineage lines, family heads 
all tracing their descent to a common, perhaps unknown, ancestor many 
generations distant. The elders or family heads constitute the vil- 
lage council that advises the chief who is always an older man, 
usually the senior member of the same lineage. In some cases, deci- 
sion will flow from a public debate for which a special meeting place 
is set aside in the village and in which all adult men may participate. 
In such situations the personalities and rhetorical abilities of 



15 



PLATE 2 




/^^ l!iigS%' 



a. Young Zairian mission employee with wife, home and transportation. 




b. Same couple inside their home, 



IG 

individuals has a definite effect on the evolution of law in the 
community. 

The religious system of the Lulua and Luba population is in 
general similar to that of other Bantu speaking Africans. A high god 
is acknowledged but is considered very remote from man's daily life. 
Belief in other spirits is found, a distinction being made between the 
spirits of deceased relatives and spirits identified with natural 
phenomena. Belief in the continuing existence and influence of 
deceased relatives is fundamental to their religious sytem. Ances- 
tors are looked upon as participating members of the family community 
and, as such, are respectfully treated. The ancestral spirits are 
looked to for assistance in economic and social affairs. The living 
honor the ancestors through the offering of sacrifices, by appropriate 
social behavior, and by the observance of family ritual. The Luba and 
Lulua believe that the ancestors are closely associated with their 
mundane daily lives and that they provide the active force behind ob- 
jects that are considered to have magical powers. They are instru- 
mental in maintaining the fertility of the family and thus, the con- 
tinuation of the group. 

There is a universal belief in the power of magic and in 
the ability of some individuals to control or direct these powers. 
"In this world where spirits are active and humans believed to con- 
trol superhuman forces, nothing occurs by chance. Every event is 
either caused by spirits acting on men or by men controlling spirits 
or medicine" {McDonald 1971: 202). Among the African population 
certain persons are recognized as diviners and makers of spiritual 



17 

medicines. The functions of these persons are considered beneficial 
to the society as opposed to those of witches and sorcerers who employ 
their powers in injurious ways. 

European Demography and Culture 

As was mentioned above, the first white men arrived in the 
Kasayi region in 1883. The European population in the Kasayi grew 
from the original 2 or 3 officers of the Independent State of the Congo 
at the beginning of colonialization to around 5,750 in 1952. That 
same year, the indigenous African population for the Kasayi area v/as 
estimated at around 2,000,000 (cf. Table 1). The European population 
in the Kasayi at that time was divided among functionaries of the 
colonial government (9%), Roman Catholic missionaries (7%), Protestant 
missionaries (2%), commercial employees (20%), settlers (9%), and 
women and children (53%). The following percentage breakdown of 
national origins of the non-indigenous population demonstrates the 
preponderance of Belgians in the colony: Belgians (78%), Portuguese 
(5%), Italians (3%), Greeks (3%), British (3%), French (2%), Americans 
(1.5%), Dutch (1.3%), Swiss (0.7%), and 8 other nationalities (2.5%) 
(Moeller 1954: 746). 

The number of American missionaries in the Kasayi during the 
period to which these statistics pertain correlates closely with the 
national percentages of 1.5% American and 2.0% Protestant missionary. 
It is assumed that these percentages in the employment and national 
origin categories for the non-indigenous population remained reason- 
ably constant from 1940 to 1960 (cf. Figure 2). 

The cultural life style of the Europeans was predominately 



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19 



Belgian and "colonial." Within the European conmunity the primary 
figure was the male. It was he who was government administrator or 
trader. The European wives often remained in Europe. When they were 
present in the Kasayi, their main activity fluctuated between super- 
vising their numerous household servants and "socializing" among their 
own particular group. Among the Belgian administrative personnel 
there was a strict social class system which followed the administra- 
tive ranks of government. The role of the European wife contrasted 
with that of the missionary wife in that the latter always had quasi - 
professional or professional daily activity related to the missionary 
program. The Belgian administrators always looked forward to re- 
turning to Belgium after their 17-year "career" in Congo. 

The European traders were more nearly comparable to the 
"colonists" of other African countries. They were usually \jery long- 
term residents. It was not uncommon for the Portuguese traders to 
have married or to have mistresses among the indigenous African women. 
A numer of the most successful commercial entrepreneurs in the Luebo 
area were mulatto individuals having been raised in these mixed com- 
mercial families. 

Each group among the Europeans maintained a rather strict 
isolation. From the American missionary perspective the Belgian ad- 
ministrative group seemed a class remotely high because of their 
ethnocentrism and political position. On the other hand, the Portu- 
guese traders appeared a class rather low because of their degree of 
fusion with the African population. There was no European group to 
which the American missionaries could comfortably relate. 



20 




Figure 2. Hap of Roman Catholic and Protestant missionary activity in Zaire 
prior to 1960. Source: Slade, R. M. , English Speaking Missions 
in the Congo Independent State (1878-1908). Brussels: Academie 
Royale des Sciences Coloniales. (End piece.) 



21 



The members of the American Presbyterian Congo flission found 
themselves working on a savanna covered plateau among a basically 
rural African population which numbered around 16,650 persons to 
each Protestant missionary. There were approximately 39 Belgians in 
the area for every missionary. There were 2-1/2 times as many Portu- 
guese merchants as missionaries. There were 5 colonial government 
officials for eyery missionary. It is in this context of demographic 
marginal ity that the American Southern Presbyterians developed their 
missionary conmunity and culture described in this study. 



CHAPTER 2 
THE HISTORY OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY 

The missionary group under study is a mission of the Presby- 
terian Church in the United States. The latter came into being as a 
religious denomination in 1861 when conflicting loyalties forced Pres- 
byterian churchmen from the southern region of the United States to 
withdraw from their national Presbyterian judiciary and form their own 
organization. During the four years of the war of secession (1861-1865^ 
the church was knov;n as the Presbyterian Church in the Confederate 
States of America (Thompson 1963:571). After 1865 it acquired its 
present name distinguishing it from the northern Presbyterian Church 
in the United States of America. Throughout its history, the group in 
question has popularly been referred to as the Southern Presbyterians. 
This usage will appear in the present study except where specific legal 
reference is required. 

From their beginnings in 1861, the Southern Presbyterians fol- 
lowed the traditional Presbyterian forms of organization. The govern- 
ment of the church is organized into 4 ascending levels of church 
"courts" or judiciaries. At the lowest level, the level of the local 
congregation, the ruling group is the Session, which consists of a 
number of laymen elected by and from the congregation and the clergy- 
man who has been engaged ("called") by the congregation as its pastor. 
The local sessions send their minister and delegated laymen to the 
quarterly meetings of the Presbytery. These gatherings are regional 

22 



23 



assemblages v/hich, collectively, hold the ultimate authority in the 
church government. The Synod is the next ascending grouping and is 
made up of all the clergymen and delegated laymen from all the congre- 
gations in a larger geographic area. The synods of the Southern Presby- 
terian Church during the period of study corresponded more or less to 
state boundaries and usually consisted of from 3 to 5 presbyteries. 
The uppermost grouping and the most inclusive in terms of geographical 
organization is the General Assembly. The General Assembly is an an- ' 
nual assemblage made up of 4 delegated clergymen (Teaching Elders) and 
4 delegated laymen (Ruling Elders) from each presbytery. 

It is the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the 
United States, at its annual meeting, v/hich employs certain national 
staff personnel and issues them a mandate to perform certain ministries 
in the name of the v/hole church. In 1862 the Executive Committee of 
Foreign Missions issued its first printed report. Due to the diffi- 
culties of communication during the war, little contact was made with 
the Presbyterian missionaries in China and Japan which could now be 
claimed by the Southern Church (AR 1892:4)''. By 1871 the Executive 
Committee of Foreign Missions was reporting missions to three Amer- 
indian groups and missions in Italy, Columbia, Brazil and China. In 
1890, when the African mission work vyas begun, the Presbyterian Church 
in the United States had twelve missionary organizations in ten 



'The Annual Report of the Executive Committee of Foreign Mis- 
sions, which v.'as later renamed the Board of World Missions, has been 
published each year since 1862 and presented to the General Assembly, 
and circulated throughout the church at large. Citations in this work 
will be referenced "AR," year and page. 



24 

countries operating on annual budgets totaling $122,815.31 (AR 1890: 
64). 

Penetration and Establishment (1890-1920) 
The American Presbyterian Congo Mission (APCM)' had its begin- 
nings v;hen an Afro-American clergyman and a White-American clergyman 
were appointed by the Executive Committee of Foreign Missions of the 
Southern Presbyterian Church as missionaries to the Congo Valley. This 
appointment v/as the culmination of a 2-year effort on the part of the 
Afro-American, the Reverend William H. Sheppard, age 24, to be ap- 
pointed by the Southern Church as a missionary to Africa. The delay 
was caused by the church's insistence that at least 2 men be sent and 
their preference that one of the two represent the white majority of 
the church constituency. The conditions were met when the Reverend 
Samuel N. Lapsley, age 23, presented himself as a missionary candidate 
for Africa. Their task was a serious one, as is spelled out in their 
brief but broad instructions: 

1. To find a site, preferably in the Congo Free 
State, far enough from other missions to enable 
us to open a wholly independent work. 

2. To find a healthful location in the highlands 
but not too distant from a base of supply. 

3. To work among a population large enough to 
constitute a good mission field and using a lan- 



' American Presbyterian Congo Mission is the legal name of the 
Southern Presbyterians' missionary organization working in the area of 
Africa which has been designated successively: The Independent State 
of the Congo (erroneously called Congo Free State by Britons and Amer- 
icans, cf. Rotberg 1965:259), Belgian Congo, Republic of Congo, Demo- 
cratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Zaire. In situ the 
missionary organization is referred to by both Africans and Europeans 
as either the "mission" or the "APCM." This usage appears often in 
the present work. 



25 



guage which is widely current. 

4. To present to the Committee an estimate of the 
needed missionary force, and an estimate of expenses 
to be incurred in opening the work and the cost of 
maintenance (Wharton 1952:12). 

The two men sailed from New York on February 26, 1890 for 

England. For two young clergymen from the southern United States they 

traveled with an impressive portfolio of credentials. 

President Benjamin Harrison gave them letters to 
American diplomats abroad. Friends provided intro- 
ductions to men of influence in Brussels and London. 
Foreign Mission Boards in New York and Boston gave 
every possible aid and information. . .Dr. H. Gratton 
Guiness of Harley House, the great mission center in 
London, invited them there for their stay in -London 
(Wharton 1952:13). 

On March 21, 1890, Samuel Lapsley went to Brussels to have an 
audience with King Leopold II of the Belgians. Since the Conference of 
Berlin in 1885, Leopold II had been the initiator and sovereign of the 
Independent State of the Congo. The audience for Lapsley had been 
arranged by the American ambassador to Belgium, General H.S. Sanford, 
who had a deep interest in the development of the Congo area. Lapsley' s 
recollections of the interview are interesting both as a vignette of 
Leopold II and as an indication of the various influences which af- 
fected the early history of the APCM. 

I was ushered into a great room and heard a kind 
voice from the middle of it, "Good morning!" After 
a respectful bow I advanced and took the hand extended 
to me. He said, "You asked to see me?" I told him 
my business, whom I represented, the Presbyterian 
body in the United States, what I meant to do, and our 
plan of working with a combined white and colored 
force . 

He warned me of the entire rudeness of the 
country, commended our plan of beginning on a small 
scale, until the tide comes in on the completion of 



26 



the railways, then enter on that tide. "Congo has a 
future," he said, "I cannot believe that God made 
that great river with its many branches all through 
the land for any lower purpose". . .He warned me of 
the danger of wine drinking in Africa. About my 
l ocation, he recommended the Kasai .. .after half-an- 
hour's talk.. .he said he felt sincerely, warmly 
interested in my mission, and was glad to see a 
young man show so much courage, enterprise and 
Christian pluck (Lapsley 1893:31, italics mine). 

On April 18, 1890, Lapsley and Sheppard sailed from Rotterdam 
on the Dutch trading vessel , Afrikaan , bound for the port of Matadi 
in the Independent State of the Congo. They traveled with a group of 
Swedish, British and American Baptist missionaries who were going out 
to reinforce missions that had been established in the Lower and Middle 
Congo River valley areas (Wharton 1952:16). 

The two presbyterian missionaries spent 10 months in the Lower 
Congo, visiting government officials, various mission stations, and, 
in particular, the missionary explorer, George Grenfell. The Kasayi- 
Sankuru region was finally chosen as a site for the APCM. They con- 
cluded from their survey of the situation that "Luebo, in the Kasai, 
had the advantage of being the meeting ground of 5 major tribes com- 
prising an estimated 2 million people" (Lapsley 1893:163). 

After a 33-day, 900-mile trip upriver on the sternwheeler 

Florida , the 2 missionaries arrived at Luebo. Lapsley reports that 

at noon on April 18, 1891, the Florida 

rounded Luebo point and came in sight of a group 
of plantains, and shaded by these, a double row 
of small houses of mud with thatched roofs. Then 
we saw the thatches of five or six large adobe 
houses, tastefully disposed on a fair table land 
in the right angle made by our little Lulua, and 
a large creek on our right, the Luebo. A heavy 
palisades of sharpened posts ten feet high com- 



27 



pleted the square begun by the two streams. 

Two sharp blasts of the whistle brought 
the entire station to the beach; the steamer crew 
danced on the open deck to the deep throb of a 
drum; station boys waved and called to their 
friends in the crew; the four white men -- two 
company agents, a State officer, and the visiting 
Commissaire du district du Kasai -- shouted wel- 
come to the little group by the pilot house whose 
arrival broke the dreary isolation of their post 
(Wharton 1952:31). 

Shaloff (1971:24) suggests further Belgian influence on the location of 

the mission station "APCM-Luebo" stating, "at the suggestion of the 

Commissaire de district , the newcomers decided to locate their mission 

station near the north bank of the Lulua, midway between Luebo and the 

Kete village of Bena Kasenga." This was on the opposite bank of the 

Lulua River. 

Sheppard and Lapsley settled in with the five Bakongo laborers 

which they had engaged for one year in the Lower Congo and brought with 

them upriver. Two palm-thatched, 10-foot-square houses were purchased 

from the nearby village and set up, one for each missionary. Wharton 

describes the initial activity: 

Each set about improvising additions to suit his 
shelter to his needs. The Bakongo were put to 
clearing ground and building their own houses; 
pineapple, plantain, and banana plants were set 
out. Boards were sawed out of small sections of 
trees brought from the forest; later, men were 
taught to use a small pit saw. It was an event- 
ful day when the first piece of furniture, a real 
table, replaced the crude makeshift of sticks 
tied together with strips of vine. But by the 
middle of August the little station was found to 
be intolerably hot, so they moved up to the brow 
of the great hill that rises from the Lulua, and 
began all over again (Wharton 1952:32) 

In December, Lapsley made a reconnoitering trip east of Luebo 



2S 



as far as the State post of Luluabourg. He returned to Luebo with a 
"caravan" of 17 men, 4 women and 1 child. These people were Lulua 
and were the forerunners of thousands of Lulua and Luba people who 
were to migrate to Luebo and settle around the mission station. 

Lapsley had returned from his trip to Luluabourg tired and 
ill; supplies were low and transportation arrangements in the Lower 
Congo had bogged down. It seemed wise for Lapsley to return down- 
river to attend to business affairs and perhaps the voyage would re- 
store his health (Wharton 1952:34). The trip was made on the Florida 
and the 5 Bakongo laborers accompanied him. They were returning to 
their homes after their one-year contracts had been completed. 
Lapsley never returned to Luebo. He died at Matadi on March 21, 1892 
of "bilious hermaturic fever." His death came one year and 9 days 
after he had begun his first voyage on the Florida upriver to the 
Kasayi . 

The designation of Africa as the "white man's grave" was con- 
firmed in many instances during the early years of the APCM. On the 
day that Lapsley died in Matadi, the Adamsons, a Scot and his wife, 
left Kinshasa^ (Leopoldville) for Luebo as reinforcements for the 
mission. Mrs. Adamson was the first white woman to enter the Kasayi 
region. She died at Luebo 3 years later. The Reverend and Mrs. 
Rowbotham from England came to Luebo in 1892 and left the mission 2 



'The principal urban center of the Congo, located on the 
Stanley Pool on the Lower Congo, was called Kinshasa prior to Belgian 
annexation in 1908. During the Belgian colonial period it was called 
Leopoldville. After independence in 1960 it was renamed Kinshasa. 



29 

years later because of illness. The Reverent D.W.C. Snyder and his 
wife from New York arrived the same year. She died in Kinshasa on 
their way home in 1896. '"Mary Snyder 1896' reads the simple marker 
over the 33rd grave in the State Cemetery at Kinshasa, the first 
woman's grave in this barren spot" (Wharton 1952:46). During the 
period of penetration and establishment, 11?^ of the missionaries died 
on the field while they were in active service. 

The King of the Belgians had been told that the APCM was to be 
a "combined white and colored force." This was a fortunate circum- 
stance for the development of the mission. The Afro-American mission- 
aries, during the early years, had a significantly higher survival 
rate than did their white colleagues. Five Afro-American missionaries 
from Alabama, Mississippi, and Pennsylvania were appointed in 1894 and 
1895. This group, together with William Sheppard, put in an average 
of 17 years service each. During the period 1901-1911, 5 more Afro- 
American missionaries were appointed. Their average length of service 
was 29 years. Among 23 out of 25 of the white missionaries appointed 
prior to 1911, the average length of service was 5 years. The 2 ex- 
ceptional individuals in this group, William M. Morrison and Motte 
Martin, serving 22 and 43 years respectively, both had an important 
influence on the development of the missionary culture at APCM-Luebo, 
which will be discussed below. 

During the period 1901-1911, 20 new missionaries were ap- 
pointed to the APCM. It was a period in which the work was formalized 
and many of the patterns were set that were to remain throughout the 
mission's history. One of the important innovations of this period 



30 

was the acqi^isition of a river steamer for the mission. The craft, 
named the S.N. Lapsley , was built in the United States, dismantled and 
shipped to the Congo where it was rebuilt by one of the missionaries. 
It served the mission for 18 months before it was caught in a whirl- 
pool at the confluence of the Kasayi and Congo Rivers and capsized, 
killing 1 new missionary and 23 Africans. This steamer was replaced 
3 years later by a craft built in Scotland which was better suited to 
the turbulent tropical rivers. The second steamer, the S.N. Lapsley II 
regularly made the trip from Luebo or Lusambo to Kinshasa for 20 
years until it was sold in 1926. 

The stations of Bulape, Mutoto and Bibanga were opened as 
centers for the evangelization of the Bakuba, Lulua and Luba res- 
pectively. The station of Lubondai was added as another center for a 
large Lulua population. Luebo, Bulape, Mutoto, Bibanga and Lubondai 
continued to flourish in the period of the "five stations," 1920-1931. 
Transition and Expansion (1921-1940 ) 

The development of smaller stations of Kasha, Mboyi , and Noma 
came as a response to pressure from the Board of Viorld Missions in 
the United States to break the pattern of the large institutional sta- 
tions and develop evangelistic outposts, especially for groups not 
yet contacted. In 1928 a railroad was completed from Port Franqui 
in the northwest Kasayi to Elizabethville in southeast Katanga pro- 
vince (cf. Figure 3). The commercial activity brought by the railroad 
appealed to the indigenous population, and many villages were moved to 
be close to this avenue of trade. The station of Kasha (1935) near 
Luputa on the railroad, the station of Mboyi (1937) among the Babindi 



31 




Figure 3. Map of Belgian Congo showing railroad and mission stations. 
Source: 1955 Annual Report, Nashville, Tn.: Board of V.'orld 
Missions, p. 23. 



32 

people J and Noma (1942) are examples of the new type smaller station. 
The station of Moma was offered to the APCM by the colonial government 
after the American Four Square Gospel group that had built it were ex- 
pelled from the Congo by the government for continual internal feuding 
(cf. Figure 1). 

During this period there were many innovations in the Kasayi 
in which the APCM usually participated and from which they benefited. 
In 1925 tl)e first airplane from Kinshasa landed at Luebo. Thereafter, 
a regular airmail service every 3 v-^eeks was maintained between Kinshasa 
and the interior. The first airplane flights from Belgium to the Congo 
occurred in 1925, thus facilitating arrival and departure travel for 
the missionaries. The railroad already mentioned, and improved motor 
roads, facilitated the transportation of people and supplies from one 
mission station to another. 

Early the missionaries had begun to use bicycles 
instead of hammocks wherever the former could be 
ridden. Flotorcycles followed the bicycles, . .As 
the roads widened sidecars were added to the 
motorcycles, and in 1925 the first Ford cars made 
their appearance on the mission (Wharton 1952:127). 

During this period the missionary population in the field 
grew from around 60 to 80. In 1928 a special school for the mission- 
aries' children was opened at Lubondai station. This school continued 
at Lubondai until 1968, providing American elementary education (grades 
4-8) and for a period until 1960 also secondary education for all the 
children of Presbyterian missionaries. 

In the twenty-five years of its history children 
from eleven other Congo Protestant missions have 
attended Central School. In later years it has 
been crowded to capacity, enrolling between 



CONGO MISSION 




■■■- \ y 



Figure 4. Mission map showing five major mission stations and their dependent villages 



34 



forty and fifty pupils... Ten of the younger mis- 
sionaries now on the Mission are graduates or 
ex-students of Central School (Wharton 1952:136). 

It was during this period of 1921 to 1940 that the territorial 
expansion of the mission was nearly completed. The acquisition of real 
estate, the construction of buildings and the importation of vehicles, 
printing machinery, office equipment, electrical generators and re- 
frigeration equipment all served to establish the APCM as a complex 
and technologically wery advanced organization by comparison to the 
indigenous African culture which the missionaries were attempting to 
change. 

Re-evaluation and Concentration (1941-1950) 

The American Presbyterian missionaries were forced to re-eval- 
uate their program in the Kasayi during World War II (1940-1945). The 
number of new recruits for the mission dropped relative to the expan- 
sion of the mission work. 

Many of the active missionaries experienced difficulty in 
trans-Atlantic travel. Early in the war, for instance, one of the 
mid-career missionaries later resident at APCM-Luebo was taken off a 
British freighter at sea by a German submarine on patrol in the North 
Atlantic. The crew and passengers were put aboard another German ves- 
sel and watched as their freighter was torpedoed and sunk. They were 
later put ashore on the coast of France. 

Some missionary furloughs were postponed, leaving missionaries 
on the field longer than usual. The missionaries on furlough in the 
United States often extended their furloughs and remained at home long- 
er than the normal one-year period. Missionary personnel in the field 



35 

was reduced almost 10% and funds for the work were reduced 12% during 
the war years. 

The indigenous African population was also affected by the war. 
Congolese soldiers vmre sent to North Africa and to Palestine. They 
represented the first group of Congolese to travel extensively outside 
Central Africa. At home in the Belgian Congo many people responded 
positively to the calls for greater production of minerals and agri- 
cultural products for the war effort. 

After the war the Belgian colonial government broadened the 

scope of its humanitarian efforts in the Congo. 

The government did not stop with commendation 
but pushed vigorously both old and new plans for 
the welfare and education of the people. These 
plans included laws safeguarding African employ- 
ees and their families. They covered such varied 
phases as minimum wages, sanitary housing and 
medical care, and provided for the return of 
families to their original villages at the ter- 
mination of service (Wharton 1952:164). 

Early in 1945 a steady stream of new missionaries began to 
arrive for the APCM. By 1950 the number of missionaries in the field 
had increased 40?^. The operating funds for the mission had increased 
192% over the 1940 allocation (cf. Tables 3 and 4). There was more 
to come. In 1945 the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in 
the United States approved a five-year capital fund-raising campaign 
called the Program of Progress. One of the objectives of this in- 
tensive effort was to meet the construction and equipment needs of 
the church's missionary efforts around the world. 

With these substantial funds available the mission was able, 
for the first time in its history, to let contracts to Belgian entre- 



36 

preneurs for major construction. In 1946 the APCM let contracts for a 
complete mission station at Luluabourg. A new hospital at Mutoto and 
a complete academic campus at Kakinda were begun in 1948. Kakinda 
was built to house the Morrison Institute, a combined secondary level 
normal school for training African school teachers and seminary for 
training African pastors. 

The emphasis that the mission was placing on these schools 
for the training of indigenous leadership reflected a growing concern 
that the impact of the mission should be felt among the "grass roots" 
of the population and not solely on and around the mission stations. 
The schools for the training of an African cadre to ultimately staff 
the elaborate program of church, education and medicine became the 
goal of a group of the more far-sighted missionaries. The old station 
system continued, however, as it had become institutionalized and 
tended toward continued expansion rather than diminution. 

In 1950 the African Presbyterian church, with which and for 
which the APCM worked, reported a membership of 118,782 people. The 
ordained African pastors distributed over the whole area numbered 47 
and were assisted by 1,309 lesser clerics such as Elders and evangel- 
ists. The stewardship-giving of the African church people had amounted 
to $19,296. This represented church offerings from 1,238 villages as 
well as the congregations related directly to the 9 mission stations. 
S ubsidization and Change (1951-1960) 

As early as 1902 an organization was developed to foster 
cooperation among all the Protestant groups working in the Congo. This 
cooperative effort became known as the Congo Protestant Council and 



37 

maintained an office in Leopoldville, the capital of the colony, where 
a full-time secretary represented Protestantism in matters of mission- 
government relations. 

Roman Catholic missions had been staffed primarily by Belgian 
missionary orders. Their schools had, through the years, been subsi- 
dized by the government. This had not been the case with any of the 
Protestant schools. The APCM schools, containing 43,000 pupils in 
1949 were all financed through the mission operating budget allocated 
from the Board of World Missions in the United States. As the missions 
sought continually to bring their schools up to government standards, 
the Congo Protestant Council through its secretary sought the same 
recognition and aid granted to Roman Catholic schools. In 1947 an act 
of the Belgian parliament finally granted recognition and subsidies 
for Protestant schools in the Congo. Wharton notes (1952:175) that 
"some of the schools of the APCM were among the first to be recognized 
by the government, and the mission received its first school subsidies 
in 1948." 

Throughout the 1951-1960 period, the school subsidies contin- 
ually increased to place the mission solidly in the position of ad- 
ministering an elaborate educational system which ranged from village 
elementary schools to accredited secondary level institutions. This 
extensive educational structure required specially qualified mission- 
ary personnel and the continual meeting of government regulations gave 
educational concerns top priority at Mission decision-making assem- 
blages. Many missionaries felt that educational concerns were over- 
shadowing the primary goal of evangelization. 



38 

During this period, the APCM continued to expand in all areas. 
Missionary personnel increased 18°o and operating funds from the United 
States were augmented almost 97% (cf. Table 4). 

The 18 months during 1959 and 1960 when the participant ob- 
servation upon which this study is based represented a peak period for 
the American Presbyterian Congo Mission, both in terms of personnel 
in the field and available financial resources with which to carry on 
the work. The details of personnel distribution and the missionary 
activity and culture at the original station at Luebo, as well as the 
developments subsequent to national independence in 1960 will be 
discussed in the chapters which follow. 



CHAPTER 3 
THE POPULATION OF THE COMMUNITY 

Personnel Numbers 



The missionary population of the APCM increased steadily from 
the original 2 in 1891 to a peak of 175 in 1956. Following the civil 
disorders of the transition of Zaire to national independence, the num- 
ber dipped to 122, and by 1970 had returned to 140 (cf. Tables 3, 4 
and 5). 

During the early period (1891-1920), the mean number of mis- 
sionaries on the field was 47. A total of 105 people were appointed in 
this period averaging 4 missionaries per year. Among these 105 ap- 
pointees, 64% remained in missionary service for at least 3 terms or 
more than 15 years. Those who served only one term amounted to 31% of 
the total appointed. Health was a critical factor in this early period. 
Death claimed 11% of this group in the field. Spouses often resigned 
after the loss of a partner, so the death or serious illness of one 
missionary usually meant the loss of 2 people to the Mission. 

During the second or "expansion" period of 19 years (1921-1940), 
71 more missionaries were appointed to the APCM. Actual field popula- 
tions varied; during the 1920' s and 1930' s the mean was 74 mission- 
aries on the field. During the third period (1941-1950), the APCM 
was reinforced by 81 appointments of new missionaries. During the 
mid-1940' s the mean had risen to 110 active members of the Mission, 
During the decade 1951-1960 there was a mean of 158 missionaries on 

39 



40 

the field (cf. Tables 3, 4 and 5). During the period of 1938 to 1953, 
the missionary staff at Luebo averaged ?.0 persons each year, consistent- 
ly the largest of the 11 stations of the APCM in the Kasayi. 

There v/as a large initial expense to the Board of V'orld Missions 
in outfitting and installing a new missionary family. Their first 2 
or 3 years were normally primarily language study and orientation to 
the work. It is therefore, interesting to examine the percentages of 
those who did not continue in missionary service beyond their iiritial 
term. The various years considered are grouped in a manner conforming 
with the "generational" analysis of missionary longevity grades pre- 
sented below (cf. Chapter 5). In terms of this analysis the 105 
missionaries appointed in the early period (1891-1920) can all be 
considered "ancestors." With the exception of one couple, they had 
all resigned or retired from service or died before the period of par- 
ticipant observation on v/hich this study is based. The one exception 
was the Jimmy Mitchells, the oldest couple at Luebo during the partici- 
pant observation. As was stated above, 31% of the "ancestors" served 
only one term. 

During the second period, which produced the "full and mid- 
career missionaries" (1921-1940), 15% of the total of 71 appointees 
served only one terin. Those remaining 3 terms or more amounted to 65/o. 
Appointments averaged 4 per year. Death claimed 7.5% of this group 
v/hile on the field. 

During the third period (1941-1950), which produced what are 
here referred to as "young missionaries," 83 persons were appointed. 
This number in a much shorter period of 9 years correlated with the 



41 

higher annual averages of the late 1940's and 1950's mentioned above. 
An average of 9 new missionaries a year was a significant increase in 
staffing. Only 11% of these appointees left the work after one term 
on the field. It is maintained that this low attrition rate for this 
group is probably related to the high {]5%) percentage of second gen- 
eration missionaries among the "young" members of the Mission. Of 
course, medical care for the missionaries improved rapidly in the post- 
war period. Only 2% of this group died in service. 

The fourth period (1951-1960), producing the "new missionaries," 
shows a yearly average of 9 new missionaries with a total of 81 in 
this group. The "new missionary" group has the highest rate of one- 
term-only appointments in the history of the Mission (26%). Many of 
those appointed in this period were victims of the independence dis- 
turbances. They had not gotten yery deeply rooted in the Mission cul- 
ture, and when difficulties arose and prediction patterns were un- 
stable, many of these missionaries resigned in 1960 or soon after. 
Missionary Origins 

The origins of the 340 missionaries who have been members of 
the APCM have important significance for the understanding of the 
cultural patterns observed in the mission life and work. During the 
4 periods outlined above, over 1/2 (62%) of all the missionaries came 
from a cluster of American southern states where the Presbyterianism 
is particularly strong. In the order of their overall production 
these states are: Texas (17%), Virginia (10%), Georgia (9%), North 
Carolina (9X), Alabama (7%), South Carolina (6%), and Tennessee (4%). 
Zaire itself rates with these prime origin groups producing 5% of the 



42 

appointments, i.e., 16 second-generation Congo missionaries. A 
spattering of states, mostly southern, produced 20% of the grand 
total, but none of these individually produced more than 13 missionar- 
ies, or 4%. The northeastern region of the United States produced 3% 
while 10% of the total originated in Great Britain (3%), Europe (4%) 
and other areas (3%). 

Professions of Missionary Personnel 

There are basically 4 types of missionaries appointed by the 
Board of World Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the United States, 
These types are: evangelistic, educational, medical and industrial. 

The evangelistic category is made up primarily of clergymen, 
and in later years, of clergymen and their wives. Single women 
missionaries with special interest in some technical aspects of the 
developing African church, such as Christian education or women's 
work, have also been appointed in this category. The educational cate- 
gory covers those who have professional training in education and/or 
teaching experience, who desire to work in the African school systems. 
The medical category includes medical doctors, dentists, registered 
nurses, medical technicians and socio-medical case workers. The in- 
dustrial category contains a variety of artisans and, in later years, 
also architects and building contractors. The various classifications 
will be considered below. 
The Evangelistic 

The evangelistic classification of missionary personnel has 
been generally numerically predominant in the APCM, as might be ex- 
pected in a religious missionary group. The overall percentage for the 



43 

years prior to 1960 was 30% evangelistic personnel. In the "ancestor" 
period (1891-1920) 34% of the appointments were clergy. During the 
"full and mid-career" period (1921-1940) the new clergy dropped to 
21%. This was the only period in which another group surpassed the 
evangelistic in numbers. In the "young missionary" period (1941-1950) 
clergy amounted to 25% of the total appointments. In the final "new 
missionary" period (1951-1960) the evangelistic group was augmented 
to 35% of the total reinforcements. This larger percentage is in part 
due to the increasing practice of the Board of World Missions classi- 
fying wives in specific categories of work rather than in the general 
category of "wives." It should be noted, however, that there was an 
increase in the number of actual clergymen appointed in this period 
(cf. Table 2). 
The Educational 

The educational classification contained 8% of the total prior 
to 1960. The percentages for new appointments fluctuated slightly for 
the 4 periods under consideration; 5% in the first period, 13% in the 
second period, 8% in the third period and 10% in the last period. The 
10% group in the last period included education specialists needed to 
supervise the recently subsidized school system mentioned in Chapter 2. 
The Medical 

The medical classification for the entire period included 19% 
of the total recruits. Medical work expanded steadily and this ex- 
pansion is reflected in the statistics for the 4 periods (cf. Table 2). 
During each period 5 physicians were added, except the third when 4 new 
doctors came to the field. The majority of the 48 women classified as 



44 



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45 



medical were registered nurses. Laboratory technicians and medical 
social workers completed the group. 
The Industrial 

The industrial group which was responsible for the building and 
maintenance of the various mission stations amounted to 1% of the 
entire number appointed. In the early period the Mission received 9 
industrial men or 9% of the total for the period. The percentage of 
industrial men decreased to 7%, 6% and 5% during the second, third and 
fourth periods respectively. This decrease is accounted for both by 
the fact that most of the missionary construction was done prior to 
1940, and by the fact that most of the post-1948 construction was done 
by Belgian contractors. 

Besides the four major professional classifications treated 
above, missionaries were also appointed as business personnel, teachers 
of missionary children and as missionary wives. These classifications 
will be discussed in a similar manner. 
Business 

In the business classification (cf. Table 2) we find Zt of the 
total appointments prior to 1960. These positions decreased after the 
early "ancestor" period v/hen the Mission no longer had the complex 
overland and river transportation problems. During the second, third 
and fourth periods the positions were usually filled by the Mission 
Treasurer and 1 or 2 secretaries. 
The Central School for Missionaries' Children 

The Central School for Missionaries' Children classification 
reflects the growth of the school during the entire pre-1960 period. 



46 

In the "ancestor" period the school had not been developed to the extent 
that specific missionaries were appointed to this work. In the 3 fol- 
lowing periods new appointments for "C.S," as the school was called, 
were 6%, 8%, and 10% of the period total respectively. It should be 
kept in mind that the "young" and the "new" missionary periods (1941-1950 
and 1951-1960) are of shorter duration than the 2 previous periods. Any 
increase in these latter periods thus represents a compound increase in 
actual personnel (cf.. Table 2). 
Wive s 

The general classification of "wives" was used in Table 2 to 
account for all of the appointments of married women where there was no 
specific specialty specified in the appointment records. It should be 
noted that both spouses have always been considered missionaries (cf. 
Appendix 1) and in later years wives have generally had specific pro- 
fessional classifications. In the entire period prior to 1960 this 
classification amounted to 7.1% of all appointments. 

At Luebo, during the period of participant observation, 43% of 
the personnel were evangelistic, 29% were medical, 14% were educational, 
9% were industrial, and 5% (1 person) was an unclassified wife. 

The staff at Luebo represented all of the 4 "generational" 
groups of missionaries. Nine married couples, 2 single women living 
together and a single woman doctor living alone made up the 11 mission- 
ary households. 

The Missionaries Themselves 

Reflecting the African and APCM tradition of respecting the 
elders, the following description of the households begins with the one 



47 



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50 

surviving representative of the "ancestor" group and proceeds to the 
newest "new" missionary couple. 

James and Ethel Mitchell (occupants of house No. 8, Figure 6) 
were appointed in 1919. They had their initiation period at Luebo but 
soon went by hammcok and march to Mutoto, a new station opened in 1912. 
James Mitchell, a minister, worked during his full career teaching 
African pastors, first at the Morrison Bible Institute at Mutoto, 
later at Kankinda where it was combined with the Normal School, and 
finally, as the director of the Preacher's School at Luebo. He and 
his wife were seasoned missionaries. They were full of tales of the 
early days. They were conservative, mellow and wise. "Uncle Jimmy" 
and "Aunt Ethel," as they are called by the children and their fellow 
missionaries, always had a productive garden. They had a household 
staff of venerable men who had long since proven their worth. The 
Mitchells knew the past. They had experienced the development of the 
Kasayi. Their approach to Mission business was one of calm applica- 
tion of their accumulated wisdom of age. 

George and Alice Woodstock (living in house number 2) were 
appointed in 1920, she as a nurse, he as an industrial missionary. In 
1919 the women of the Presbyterian Church in the United States had 
responded to the need for permanent homes and had launched a drive to 
raise money to finance their construction. George went out primarily 
as a builder and was responsible for the design and construction of the 
church building, the hospital and many of the missionary homes at 
Luebo. In 1960, they completed their last year of their 40 year ser- 
vice. 



51 

In spite of his age, George was known for his energy and un- 
stinting hard work. He was an active participant in the work projects 
which he directed, using African labor, and was often seen on the metal 
rooftop of a missionary home, doing repair work in the blazing sun. He 
was responsible for all of the upkeep and repair of existing buildings 
on the station, as well as new building projects such as the hospital 
addition completed in 1960. He also taught all aspects of industrial 
trades to the Africans who worked with him. Alice worked a full day at 
the hospital and was always busy and efficient. Their children were 
all grown and lived in the United States. 

Henry and Mary Ward (house No. 10) were appointed in 1926. 
Henry grew up in China as the son of Presbyterian missionaries. He 
came to Congo as an industrial/agricultural missionary, but at Luebo 
was given the assignment of running the Mission Press, responsible for 
the production of religious literature in Tshiluba, as well as text- 
books for the schools. Henry was not only an excellent gardener, but 
an outstanding fisherman who went every afternoon at 3:00 to the river 
where he had a catamaran with outboard motor. Mary supervised the 
editorial department of the press, being responsible for proof reading 
and editing. They planned to resign in May of 1960, even though they 
had not completed 40 years on the field. They lived in the "Press 
House" (located near to the press. No. 21). 

Kenneth and Elizabeth Morgan (house No. 3) arrived on the 
field in 1930 as single missionaries. He came as an evangelistic 
missionary and she as a teacher of missionary children at the Central 
School at Lubondai. They were married in 1933. Kenneth was the 



52 

nephew of one of the early missionaries, and Elizabeth was the sister 
of Alice Woodstock. At Luebo, Kenneth was chairman of the evangelistic 
department, and occupied himself primarily with church development and 
"village itineration," which involved being away from the station for 3 
weeks at a time to work with village pastors and evangelists. He was 
skeptical about the African church's ability to govern itself without 
missionary guidance. Elizabeth taught wives of the students in the 
Preacher's School and did women's work with the churches. They had 3 
children, 2 were in college in the United States and 1 was at Central 
School at Lubondai . 

Robert and Lila McDonald were educational missionaries (house 
No. 4). They were appointed in 1949. He was the director of the 
large primary school and she provided him with secretarial assistance. 
They had 4 children: 1 was at Central School and 3 were at home. 
Two of the children at home were being taught in a cooperative arrange- 
ment with other wives which allowed Lila more time to help in the 
school office. One small pre-school child was in the care of an 
African nursemaid while Lila was working. 

Dr. Carolyn Westbrook came to the APCM in 1949 after having 
worked with the Presbyterian mission in China from 1929 to 1936. In 
the intervening years she had developed a specialization in anesthes- 
iology in the United States. "Carolyn," as she was called by the other 
missionaries, never married and lived alone (residence number 9) ex- 
cept for the Siamese cats to which she was especially attached. She 
worked in the station hospital with Dr. Norris as second resident 
physician. Carolyn had never become proficient in Tshiluba, perhaps 



53 



because she was unusually advanced in age when she first arrived in the 
Kasayi. This linguistic handicap affected her ability to deal with all 
aspects of the hospital work, and made her dependent upon the presence 
of another Tshiluba-speaking physician. She was a reserved station 
member, never becoming very deeply involved in station or mission 
"politics." She was, however, a warm friend and neighbor, especially 
to new missionaries, and was extraordinarily knowledgeable about drama, 
music and the plastic arts. She had an unusual sensitivity for the 
feelings of others. When speaking with missionaries in English 
within earshot of Africans she never used proper names in order to 
avoid giving people the impression that they were being talked about 
in a foreign language. Her hobbies were astronomy, her cats and her 
houseplants, and any possible spectator participation in the fine arts. 

Herman and Susan Norris (house No. 9) were also on the medical 
staff. Herman was Luebo's principal physician and Susan worked as a 
registered nurse. They also had a short period of service with the 
mission in China from 1947 to 1950 when all of the missionaries were 
expelled by the People's Republic of China government. They came to 
the APCM in 1951, Dr. Norris' specialization was surgery, and he 
maintained a heavy operating schedule at the station hospital. Susan 
also worked a full day as nurse at the hospital. She taught her 2 
primary school age children at home during lunch "hour" (a colonial - 
type "siesta" from 12 noon until 2:00 at the Mission) and in the 
evenings until September of 1959, when the mothers collaborated to 
provide a joint "school" for their children. Herman's hobby was 
amateur radio and he had a "shack" in the rear of his house from 



54 



which he talked with other amateur radio "hams" all over the world. 
This hobby was of special interest to the missionaries as it often 
provided for quick communication with family and friends in the United 
States. During the critical period described in Chapter 7, the amateur 
radio operators on the Mission played a crucial role in the orderly 
and safe evacuation of all of the American missionaries. The Norrises 
also had 2 other children at Central School. 

James Boyd Jordan and his wife, Florence, were appointed in 
1952. He was one of the few dentists in Congo, and had a full schedule 
providing dental care for the American missionaries, Africans associat- 
ed with the Mission and many Europeans living in the area. Florence 
was a medical social worker and it was she who, during the tribal 
warfare days of May, 1960, organized the distribution of emergency 
relief food to the refugees of the war and subsequent disorganization 
and homelessness. They did not arrive at Luebo until mid-1959, when 
they occupied the house formerly lived in by May and Lucille (No. 7), 
In May of 1960, they moved into the house left vacant by the depart- 
ing Woodstocks (No. 2). They had 2 teen-age sons at Central School 
at Lubondai . 

May Melton, also appointed in 1952, lived with Lucille Fisher 
(house No. 7) until May of 1959, when Lucille went to the United 
States on furlough, and May moved into another house (No. 5) to make 
room for the Jordans. May was classified as an educational-evangel- 
istic missionary. She taught in the primary school and was also in 
charge of the Girl's Home. Her Tshiluba was unusually good. She 
attributed her language competency to her years of working with the 



55 



Girl's Home when she actually lived in the home with the girls, 
speaking Tshiluba constantly. She had been given the job of teaching 
Tshiluba, with African assistants, to the new couple at Luebo, the 
Jorgensens. 

Bert and Margaret Richards (residence No. 6) v;ere assigned to 
the evangelistic department. He was an ordained clergyman who antici- 
pated working with the African church, but found himself assigned to 
supervision of 21 regional elementary schools. Margaret assisted him 
with clerical work as well as preparation and duplication of teachers' 
manuals. She was the daughter of "Uncle" Jiimy Mitchell and "Aunt" 
Jane. Growing up as the child of missionaries, her Tshiluba was fluent. 
She visited extensively in the village and was widely known and ac- 
cepted by the villagers as a "Muena Kasayi" (a Kasayi citizen in the 
deepest sense). The Richards had 4 children, 2 of whom were school- 
age and attended classes at Luebo with the other children. The younger 
2 had a nursemaid looking after them while their mother was working. 

Lucille Fisher, the third single female missionary at Luebo, 
came to the APCM as an educational missionary in 1955. As the observa- 
tion period of this study began, she was living with May Melton (in 
house No. 7) and teaching in the primary school, but she left for fur- 
lough in the United States in May of 1959. She was a diligent worker, 
and spent many late hours carefully correcting every exam given to the 
seventh year students, which Belgian law required to be graded by 
"accredited" (that is, missionary or Belgian) personnel. She and May 
found time almost weekly to play Bridge with the Jordans, McDonalds 
or Norrises. 



56 

Donald and Sandra Jorgensen (house No. 12) were the "new" 
missionaries, appointed in 1957, and arriving at Luebo in January of 
1959 after language study in Belgium. They were both evangelistic 
missionaries, but their first "assignment" was Tshiluba language study. 
They were expected to study full-time for 4 months, after which they 
were permitted to do "part-time" work while continuing language for 
at least another 4 months, or until they had passed a written examina- 
tion. At the end of the first 4 months, Donald began working in the 
evangelistic office and going on some itineration trips with Kenneth 
Morgan. His first full-time assignment was teaching in the Preacher's 
School. Sandra began helping the other mothers with the missionary 
children's classes in September 1959, and assumed some Christian 
Education responsibilities in the African churches such as directing 
the annual Christmas play. The Jorgensen 's 2 children were small and . 
in the care of a nursemaid while the Jorgensens were in class. 

The missionaries described above were in daily interaction with 
the African salaried staff employees of APCM-Luebo and further afield 
occasionally with the salaried African church leaders and general 
membership of the church. Luebo Presbytery, the geographical unit of 
the Presbyterian Church around APCM-Luebo, included over 350 villages 
in which at least a small congregation of Africans identified them- 
selves as Presbyterian church members (cf. Figure 4). Representative 
African church leaders and mission employees will be described below. 
Indigenous Personnel 

Pastor Joel Kambala was the pastor of the large central church 
at APCM-Luebo. He was around 55 years old and of Luba ethnic origin. 



57 



Mis parish was the large African residential area surrounding APCM- 
Luebo. It was in this area that he lived with his family in a slightly 
better than average African house. His parish work in the "village" 
kept him off the station compound most of the week, but he frequently 
visited the evangelistic office to confer with Morgan on church affairs. 
There were 3 other smaller chapels in the large village around Luebo 
and the pastors from these congregations also were frequently seen at 
the evangelistic office. 

The employees in the evangelistic office numbered 4 in 1959. 
John Kasonga, the Presbyterian treasurer, was a layman around 30 years 
old. He v/orked regular office hours keeping all of the Presbytery 
accounts. The Presbytery finances involved the salaries of over 350 
evangelists as well as those of the pastors and elders who worked in 
the rural areas (cf. Table 6). Elder Samuel Buki worked in the region- 
al elementary school section of the building. He was in charge of 
keeping all of the statistical records of the 23 regional schools in 
the Presbytery. He was assisted by 2 clerks, Daniel Kabesele and 
Pierre Mutombe. Bert Richards was the missionary in charge of this 
office, and his innovation of engaging a comparatively large African 
staff to keep school records was much discussed among the other mis- 
sionaries. 

The primary school located at APCM-Luebo, supervised by Robert 
McDonald, was taught by May Melton and Lucille Fisher and 20 African 
teachers. George Lungenyi was an example of the most highly academic- 
ally qualified African teacher. He was a graduate of the Normal School 
at Kakinda and was officially accredited to teach in grades 1 through 



58 



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59 



4. The younger teachers like Mr. Lungenyi were usually used also in 
the upper classes with the American missionaries teaching the final 
seventh year. In this "station school," prior to 1960 all of the 
records, examinations, duplicating and correction for the final year 
was done personally by the missionary staff. 

There were 25 medical assistants of various rank working in 
the hospital at APCM-Luebo. In 1959, none of these had attained the 
level of registered nurse. Despite the lack of academic accreditation, 
a number of the men at the hospital had been working with the mission- 
ary doctors for many years. They assisted in the surgery and on the 
wards, and qualified by in-service training as paramedical personnel. 
A number of women served as midwives and nurses aids. As will be noted 
from Table 6, when a missionary surgeon was in residence, major opera- 
tions per year would number over 100 and minor operations around 200 
or more. 

The J. Leighton Wilson Press employed around 15 persons. As 
many as 10 of these were long-time employees and represented skilled 
printers, typesetters and binders. Each phase of the mission work 
employed Africans, for the most part trained on the job, who had 
achieved competency in their particular craft through the years. 
These people tended to be long-term employees. There was a more rapid 
turnover in the lower ranks of employment in the various phases of 
the evangelistic, educational, medical, publication and industrial 
work. 



CHAPTER 4 
THE MATERIAL BASE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY 

As has been observed (Wolcott 1972) American missionaries in 
Africa tend to form their own interactive nucleus. The members of the 
APCM, having developed for themselves the life situation described in 
this chapter, correspond to the observation positing cultural ethno- 
centrism. This does not deny that the missionaries interact with 
members of the indigenous community, but their most meaningful inter- 
actions are with fellow linguistic and cultural group members. The 
effects of their lack of fusion with the indigenous culture are dis- 
cussed in Chapter 8 below. 

As with all human groupings, especially those of long-term 
duration, the missionaries formed characteristic ways of arranging 
their lives. These arrangements or patterns affected both their phy- 
sical envirorment and their social interactions. What was designated 
early in the colonial period as a "mission station" became their 
typical base of operations. From the beginnings in 1891 until the 
middle 1950's the area in which the missionaries worked was primarily 
rural. It quickly became the policy of the mission to establish 
"stations" which would be strategically located both in reference to 
the various population groups with which work was anticipated and in 
reference to optimal health considerations for the missionaries. 

Lapsley and Sheppard, the pioneer APCM missionaries, observed 
upon their arrival the rural mission station pattern already estab- 
lished among the Swedish and British Baptist missionaries working in 

60 



61 



the Lower Congo. In the development of the APCM there was little 
deviation from the basic mission station concept. 
Luebo Station and the APCM 

Luebo station, founded in 1891, maintained its position of 
primacy for the mission for many years. Besides being the first and 
thus most historic station, Luebo had several other characteristics 
which made it especially influential in the determination of mission 
policy and the creation of mission traditions. The first of these 
characteristics was its function as a supply depot for the entire mis- 
sion. Its location at the head of navigation on the Lulua River made 
it important during the years (1891-1930) when transport of goods was 
possible only by river steamer. The mission treasurer was assigned 
to reside at Luebo as he was constantly involved in the acquisition 
and transportation of goods and personnel. With the location of the 
business office at Luebo the influential Ad Interim Committee (cf. 
Chapter 5 below) met more often at Luebo than at any of the other 
stations. This centralization of financial and decision-making activ- 
ity at Luebo was a second factor in its maintaining a special influence 
on the mission as a whole. 

A third factor in this regard was the long residence at Luebo 
of several missionaries that may be designated as "tradition builders." 
The Reverend William M. Morrison worked at Luebo for twenty-two years. 
From his early years (arrived 1896) he did extensive language work, 
developing a Luba-Lulua grammar and dictionary and translating large 
portions of the Scriptures. The Reverend Motte Martin worked for 43 
years at Luebo from 1903-1946. He, like Morrison, died at Luebo 



62 

terminating an especially influential career, tiartin's special 
importance came from his deep involvement in the government and juris- 
prudence of the indigenous church. He spent a large portion of his 
time judging ecclesiastical, marital and even civil cases, "cutting 
palavers" as it is called in the indigenous language, much in the 
manner of an African chief. As with the decisions of African chiefs, 
Martin's judgments tended, to become normative for future cases at 
Luebo and for the mission as a whole. 

These three factors plus a fourth involving the early develop- 
ment of indigenous Church leadei^ship and a large Christian constituency 
around the mission station at Luebo and throughout its large outstation 
area (cf. map Figure 4) combined to provide a certain validity to 
the missionary saying "as Luebo goes, so goes the mission." Luebo 
developed a missionary cultural primacy in spite of a formally decen- 
tralized decision-making system (cf. Chapter 5 below) and a non-hier- 
archical ideology which emphasized the "vocation" of the individual. 

Having been opened as a mission station in the early years of 
the Independent State of the Congo, Luebo grew steadily in terms of the 
indigenous population v,'ho for various reasons migrated to live near the 
mission station. In 1935 the African population v;as cited as approxi- 
mately 25,000 (AR 1936:56). The conglomeration of this large African 
village with the mission station at its center is known as "APCM-Luebo" 
to distinguish it from "Luebo-Etat," the government administrative 
center and town on the opposite side of the Lulua River. 

APCM-Luebo is located on the north bank of the Lulua River 
which flows due west at this location. The access road to the station 



63 

is four times the distance from the river crossing directly to the 
station, following a manageable incline to the east one kilometer and 
doubling back the same distance through the African section and enter- 
ing the mission station itself. Until 1915 the large village which 
surrounds the station on its west, north and east sides was laid out 
in typical Luba and Lulua non-geometric patterns determined mainly by 
kinship ties. C.L. Crane reported in 1915 that: 

There is a marked improvement in the village itself. 
Messrs. Martin and Vinson spent 7 or 8 months in 
laying out new streets and assigning the natives new 
places for their houses, with the result that the 
moral and sanitary conditions are vastly improved. 
Each tribe has its section and e'^ery effort is made 
to stir them to something like tribal pride in keep- 
ing their villages clean and free from immoral 
influences (AR 1915:23). 

Thus, since 1915 a grid pattern has remained the distinguishing fea- 
ture of the African section of APCM-Luebo. Whether the straight 
streets have been conducive to leading the population toward the 
"straight and narrow" Christian life style as the missionary surveyors 
intended is doubtful in the light of later events along these same 
streets discussed below in Chapter 7. 

Although the development of commercial centers in the mission 
village was traditionally discouraged, by 1959 five Portuguese and 
Belgian trading shops had managed to become established on the south- 
ern fringe of the actual mission compound and further down the hill 
at the riverside. 

Directly opposite the APCM-Luebo on the south bank of the 
Lulua is the town of Luebo. Small docks and a number of warehouses 
line the river. A tree-lined road runs perpendicular to the river 



Figure 5 

1. APCM Mission compound. 

2. Lulua section of surrounding village (streets laid out in 1915 by 
missionaries) 

3. Baluba section of village 

4. Portuguese shops 

5. High bluff beside river 

6. Footpath to ferry crossing 

7. Motor road to mission (doubles back at top of bluff to east) 

8. Rapids in river 

9. New bridge completed 1960 

10. Island used by missionaries for picnics 

11 . Ferry crossing 

12. Warehouses and shops at steamer dock 

13. European residences 

14. Main road to town of Luebo 

15. Colonial government offices 

16. Roman Catholic cathedral and mission 



65 




Figure 5. Map of APCM-Luebo and portion of 



the tOK'n of Luebo 



66 

and up the gentle slope to the town itself. The streets in town are 
dirt and are frequently repaired by contingents of prisoners from the 
district and territorial prison located here. Upon entering the town 
of Luebo from the river one passes the government buildings which 
house the offices of the District Commissioner and the Territorial 
Administrator, a courthouse, a post office, and behind these a military 
camp. The buildings are old single-story colonial type with large 
verandas. Further up the hill is a traffic circle filled with flower- 
ing plants reflecting Belgian urban style. Beyond the circle is a low 
rambling hotel and eight shops arranged on both sides of the single 
commercial street. Radiating out from the circle in three other 
directions are streets containing residences of the government and 
commercial personnel. VJell beyond this section, out of town, are the 
African sections known as Luebo-South (cf. Figure 5). 

In 1959 the town of Luebo contained in addition to the above 
a government hospital, a government primary school, both for indigen- 
ous clients, and reserved for the European residents a "club-house" 
where motion pictures were shown and dances held, and a swimming pool 
and tennis complex. 

Buildings and Dwellings 

The original houses at the APCM-Luebo mission station were 
constructed in the indigenous manner by the local Bakete people. The 
individual walls and the two halves of the roof were fabricated sep- 
arately and then assembled around a pole frame. These early "prefab- 
ricated" houses were replaced after two years by Luba type mud-and- 
stick houses which were more durable. The ability to make fire-baked 



67 



brick was one of the technological skills that the American mission- 
aries brought with them to Africa. It was not long after their arriv- 
al at Luebo that the "brick yard" was begun. From local clay dug from 
the Lulua River bank, a steady supply of yellow and red brick began to 
flow. By 1921, the permanent brick residences built at Luebo came to 
be normative plans approved by the mission (MM 21:135) for construction 
on other stations. 
The Church 

The church at Luebo is one of the most extensive examples of 
Presbyterian missionary architecture. Centrally located (cf. No. 1, 
Figure 6) on the highest point on the mission compound, it dominates 
the surrounding mission station. The cruciform structure is built of 
yellow brick. Its facade presents a large central door surmounted by 
a central tower which houses a large bell and a mechanical clock which 
chimes the hours. The simple, backless benches inside will seat over 
1,000 people. The central pulpit, the three large chairs for the 
clergy and the sections of laterally-placed benches to the left and 
right of the pulpit area reserved for the Elders and choir, reflect 
American Presbyterian proxemic style. The yellow brick of the church 
makes it stand out from all the other major buildings of the station 
which are built of red brick. The church is surrounded by a large 
lawn area. A broad dirt path leads up to the front of the church. 
The path is flanked by rows of old and carefully trimmed palm trees. 
As one faces the church on the broad path, to the left, parallel to 
the path, are two very old buildings. The first is the "meeting room" 
(cf. No. 14, Figure 6), a building which houses the meeting room for 



Figure 6 



1. Church building 14. 



Meeting room and Station 
Treasurer's office 



2. Missionary residence 
(Woodstocks) 



15. Primary School office 



3. Missionary residence (Morgans) 16, 

4. Missionary residence 17, 
(McDonalds) 

5. Missionary residence (Melton) 18 

6. Missionary residence (Richards) 19, 

7. Missionary residence (Jordans) 20, 

8. Missionary residence 21. 
(Mitchells) 

9. Missionary residence 22, 
(Morrises) 

10. Missionary residence 23. 
(Wards, "press house") 

11. Missionary residence 24, 
(VJestbrook) 

12. Missionary residence 25, 
(Jorgensens) 

13. McKowen Memorial Hospital 26, 
complex 



Missionary store house 
Evangelistic office 

Preacher's School complex 
Girl 's Home complex 
Primary School classrooms 
J. Leighton Wilson Press 

Industrial Department shed 

Widow's house 

Missionary cemetery 

Tennis court 

Football field 



69 



I — I (ZZICZDCII] 



[H] 



f=^ 20 ^=^ : ! 



26 



21 



22 



^ 



I J 



I 1 



H 



H 




H0 



17 



g □ : :Q m 



12 



1 


13 




13 


1 ° 

1 D 
1 D 

I ° 
1 DO 


' — 


■ 


Dane 


3 



24 25 






Figure 6. Plan showing layout of APCM-Luebo. 



70 

the station meetings and for meetings of the African Presbytery. It 
also contains two small offices, one of v/hich is used by the station 
treasurer. The second building, as one approached the church, is a 
missionary residence (cf. No. 7, Figure 6). It is a tvjo-bedroom 
accommodation which is usually occupied by two single ladies. 

On the right side of this street leading north to the church 
are tv/o almost identical buildings set in symmetrical settings in 
reference to those on the left and to the church. The lower building 
of the two is the educational office and workshop and supply room 
(cf. No. 15, Figure 6). During our period of observation this build- 
ing serviced a primary school of around 2500 pupils. The upper build- 
ing was a seldom-used one known as the "depot" (cf. No. 16, Figure 6). 
This building had been used in earlier years as the central supply 
storage for the trade goods that were used in barter and for payment 
of workers. It was also used for the storage of household effects be- 
longing to missionaries who had returned to the United States on fur- 
lough. Just above the depot and set off further to the right are a 
two-car garage and the station "motor house," a small building which 
houses the diesel generating plant which supplies electricity to the 
station each evening from seven until ten o'clock. 

The street leading south from the cnurch intersects in a dead- 
end fashion at its base with the main street which transverses the 
station. By street is understood a wide, well -drained path which can 
accommodate one lane of automobile traffic. Opposite this intersec- 
tion, across the main street, is the station cemetery (cf. No. 24, 
Figure 6). Beyond the cemetery are open fields sloping down the hill 



71 



PLATE 3 




The church at APCM-Luebo 




b. Another view of APCM-Luebo church 



72 



to a wooded area where the terrain falls sharply down to the river. 
The Missionary Residences 

The residences at APCM-Luebo represented missionary building 
from the 1920's to the 1960's (cf. Nos. 2 through 12, Figure 6). As 
one enters the station on the main street from the east, the first 
house to the right (cf. No. 2, Figure 6) is a rare item on the whole 
mission. It is a two-storied house. It is a comparatively small 
house of one-room depth and two-room width. It has a wide veranda 
across the front of both the first and second floors. It was designed 
by and built for one of the early dentists on the mission. By mission 
standards it is an elaborate house considering its limited two-bedroom 
capacity. 

The houses, which are 11 in number, range in age from 50 
to 7 years old. The older houses tend to have a centrally peaked roof 
with a veranda on all four sides of the house, the principal roof ex- 
tending to seven feet from the floor level. Foundations are usually 
built in such a manner as to raise the house from two-and-a-half to 
three-and-a-half feet above the ground. The older houses were lower, 
the more expensive raising of the first floor level coming in later 
years. The standard missionary residence is a rather spacious house, 
usually three bedrooms, living room, dining room, kitchen, pantry work 
room, and store room. The kitchen is often off the back porch with 
the screened porch serving as working space. All bathrooms and toilets 
are interior. The newer houses have a bath-and-a-half . They also 
have modern type bathtubs and sinks. Earlier houses had imported 
toilet fixtures, but often have brick bathtubs which are cement-lined 



73 



PLATE 4 




a. Missionary residence at APCM-Luebo, 




b. Newest missionary residence at APCM-Luebo, 



74 

and enameled and cement wash basins. Running water is supplied to 
the bathroom, and hot water is furnished by means of a wood-burning 
hot water heater built outside the house near the bathroom wall. 

The kitchens have only cold running water. Water is heated for 
dishwashing on the wood cook stove that is provided in each house by 
the mission. Most of the missionaries have a kerosene refrigerator 
and several have gas ranges which are fueled by bottled gas. 

The house to which the writer was assigned was one of the old- 
er and less commodious residences on the station. It was known as the 
"white hospital" as it was originally built in 1922 as a guest house 
for European patients who had to spend an extended time at the hospi- 
tal. Since this residence is typical of many missionary residences, 
it will be described in some detail. It is located on the downhill, 
southern side of the main street in the corner of the station (cf. No. 
12, Figure 6). Its side and back yards were bordered by the "cordon 
blue," a 25-meter strip of land stipulated by the colonial government 
as required to separate a European compound from any African housing. 
Just beyond this strip to the west there are the backyards of African 
residences. The missionary house consists of one bedroom measuring 
12' X 12', one bedroom off the latter bedroom measuring 12' x 6', and 
a bath equipped with cement tub and sink. The identical space on the 
opposite side of the central living room serves as large dining room, 
a third bedroom or office, and the kitchen. The living room was 
originally an open porch, the front of which has been bricked up to 
a height of three feet and the remainder screened. Two small front 
verandas open off the screened living room. The house is surrounded 



75 



PLATE 5 




>j.l*-.: {-S-^n^i-i^ ' 



a. Winter's residence at APCM-Luebo. 




b. Interior of writer's residence. 



76 



by tall oilnut palms randomly spaced in a large lawn. 

A special feature of the construction of the 11 residences is 
the "outbuilding" which accompanies each home. This is a long, narrow 
three-room building containing a "sentry" room, a laundry room or shed, 
and a storage room often used by the missionary family as an office or 
a school room for the teaching of small missionary children. These 
buildings are located about 15 meters behind the missionary residence, 
parallel to the rear of the major building. In a number of cases the 
outbuilding also contains a garage. 
The McKowen Memorial Hospital 

The hospital at APCM-Luebo (cf. No. 13, Figure 6) is composed 
of three large buildings, the most recent of which was constructed in 
1958 to house administrative offices, dental office, classrooms, and 
laboratory. The older buildings house the large wards for African 
patients and the surgery and pharmacy building. The entire hospital 
area is fenced in with a chain link fence. Also included in the hos- 
pital complex are utility buildings, laundry, and ten very small resi- 
dences for African hospital personnel. 
The J. Leighton Wilson Press 

One of the earliest needs felt by the missionaries was for the 
printed word. Luebo has been the permanent site of the printing ef- 
forts of the APCM through the years since 1903. The press is named 
after the first Executive Secretary for Foreign Missions (1861-1886) 
of the Presbyterian Church in the United States, who was especially 
concerned with the evangelization of Africa. The physical plant 
housing the printing facilities consists of two buildings placed in 



77 



PLATE 6 




a. The press director's residence at APCM-Luebo 




b. Missionary residence showing exterior kitchen at APCM-Luebo, 



78 

an "L" configuration (cf. No. 21, Figure 6). The longer building 
houses the typesetting room, the press room with tv/o large flatbed 
presses and two smaller job presses, the bindery containing machines 
and work space for cutting, stapling and binding the books. The smal- 
ler building contains the business office and stock rooms for current 
inventories and printing supplies. There are also two smaller out- 
buildings, one housing the generator plant which powers the press, and 
another which houses a Linotype machine and darkroom facilities for 
photoengraving. 
The Evangelistic Office 

The Church office, for the local community and for a surround- 
ing rural area of about 150-mile radius is located on the east side of 
the station behind and above the first two residences on the left as 
one enters the station. This building contains three offices. One is 
the office of the Evangelistic Department of the station. A second is 
the Regional School office, which has supervision over all the primary 
schools in the surrounding rural area, exclusive of the one large pri- 
mary school on the station. The supervision of these schools has fal- 
len to the clergymen because they are the only staff members who travel 
in the rural areas on "itineration" for extended periods, visiting many 
of the African villages for the purpose of supervising the church work. 
A third office in the Evangelistic Building is the Presbytery Treasur- 
er's office where the church accounts and funds are kept. The furnish- 
ings in these offices are very simple: locally-made desks and book- 
cases, perhaps an imported office chair for the missionary in charge, 
and a few straight chairs for visitors. The single piece of furniture 



79 

which dominates each office is the old, large and impressive steel 

safe. 

The Primary School 

Located just north of the church is the primary school (cf. No. 
20, Figure 6). It consists of 8 double classroom buildings arranged 
in a "U" with considerable distance between each building. The class- 
room buildings are brick and open along the sides above a height of 
four feet. The school buildings, like all of the construction on the 
station, are roofed with galvanized tin or aluminum roofing. 
The Girl 's Home 

Immediately to the east of the primary school area, in a wire- 
fenced enclosure, is the "Girl's Home" (cf. No. 19, Figure 6). This 
is a complex of four dormitory buildings and a central refectory and 
meeting room. The girls living here attend the station primary school. 
At the time of this study 52 girls were in residence. 
The Preacher's School 

In the northeastern corner of the mission station, to the east 
of the girl's home (cf. No. 18, Figure 6), is a similar complex of 
small dwelling units and a refectory-classroom building. In former 
years this was the "Boy's Home," but it has recently been converted 
to a facility housing a high school-level ministerial training school. 
The Preacher's School supplies the whole mission area with village 
evangelists. ." 

As was stated above, the early construction on the mission was 
African-type houses and sheds built by Africans for the missionaries. 
In the early days the mortality was quite high, especially among wives 



80 

and children. The recurring crisis of death among the staff intensi- 
fied the desire of the missionaries to build more permanent and salu- 
brious residences. It was in 1913 that the first professional builder 
came to the mission field as a missionary. He was 52 years of age at 
the time of his appointment and came on a self-sustaining basis. He 
supervised the building of Mutoto station. In 1915, with the arrival 
of a graduate of Georgia Tech, Carson Industrial School was opened at 
Luebo. Carpentry, brickmaking, brick masonry, tailoring, shoe-making, 
blacksmithing, ivory carving and broom-making were all taught at the 
school. The school was closed in 1930 due to lack of funds caused by 
the depression. In the fifteen years of its operation, the Industrial 
School trained hundreds of artisans who found ready employment in the 
developing colony. The large work shed (cf. No. 22, Figure 6) which 
housed the school remains at Luebo, It is currently utilized by the 
maintenance personnel of the station. 

In a number of ways the mission station reflects the terri- 
torial layout of an American college campus. In terms of allotment of 
space and size of buildings, however, the emphasis of APCM-Luebo is 
clearly on the missionary residences and the church. The station does 
have an open and spread-out aspect which can be contrasted to the 
typical Roman Catholic mission station in the area. Catholic stations 
tend to reflect the architectural and territorial features of the 
cloister of Europe. 

Households 

As has been pointed out above, one of the main features of the 
mission station is the provision and clustering of residences for the 



81 



missionaries. 

The organization of the missionary household at Luebo is 
in many ways quite different from what the American staff would ex- 
perience in the United States. One of the causes of this difference 
is the de facto professional role of the wife as a missionary. The 
BWM manual states that: 

Missionary wives share with their husbands in 
qualifications and language study. It is recog- 
nized that their first obligation is to the home 
and this witness through the Christian family is 
their major missionary service. They may engage 
in other services as domestic duties permit 
(BWM Manual, 27). 

This official statement is, of course, the ideal. The real pattern 
is manifest in a considerable amount of pressure placed upon a new 
missionary wife to "take up part of the work." The second cause of 
the unique missionary household organization can be found in the tra- 
ditions of the missionary community at Luebo. 

From the early years households have been referred to as 
"fences," (a human grouping of all those who live and/or work at a 
particular missionary residence). These have included a varied num- 
ber of African "helpers." The rationale for having extensive domestic 
help is that (a) under the relatively primitive living conditions, all 
of the help a missionary wife can get simply' frees her for the more 
important evangelistic, educational or medical work that always needs 
to be done; and (b) there are always African men and women available 
who need employment. By employing them, the missionary is aiding in 
the development of individuals and the region as a whole. 

Thus, from the pioneer days when life was essentially camping 



82 

and the missionary had his personal "boy," cook and hammock men, to 
the present when the minimum for most young missionary families is a 
cook, a laundry man and a "Baba," who is a full-time woman babysitter 
for the small children, domestic servants have been a tradition at 
Luebo. In the early years, having a number of young men in your "fence" 
was thought to be an excellent way to train them in all aspects of the 
Christian life. In more recent years, the number has greatly decreased 
and the motivation is more clearly on providing the support system for 
the missionary couple as they seek to devote the whole day to mission- 
ary work. 

The selection of the domestic staff for the new missionary is 
done basically by those already on the station when he arrives. The 
key people such as cooks and laundry men usually stay with their mis- 
sionary employers for years. They may be available, however, for a 
year if "their missionary" happens to be in the States on furlough. 
The new couple knows nothing of the individuals, and even if they are 
reluctant to take on a staff of servants at the outset of their mis- 
sionary career, they are assured by the "old timers" that this is the 
time-tested way to proceed. 

The selection of household staff is also watched and controlled 
by the local church leaders. Although the people employed are the 
financial responsibility of the missionary, the African church 
leaders ordinarily must informally approve the selection. The-. 
writer was informed by the local African pastors in one instance in 
1959 that he must terminate a fine young cook because he was involved 
in an adultery "palaver." Prior to the mid-1940's, these problems 



■ , 83 

would have been decided by the missionary. This case is an example 
of the African church leaders initiating action in the missionary 
sphere. The statuses of the various servants are differentiated with- 
in the household and in the larger missionary and African communities 
according to the roles they perform. The following section is a 
description of the various employment positions possible in a mission- 
ary household. 

The cook is the highest ranking of all of the domestic "hel- 
pers." He is invariably male and most often is a mature man who has 
been trained to cook by missionaries or by Europeans in the area. He 
must be able to prepare a complete meal, often for as many as eight or 
ten persons, on the wood cook range and with the relatively modest 
kitchen equipment. He is a person who can be given a menu and left 
with the responsibility of having "the meal on the table" at the ap- 
pointed time. One of the essential skills of the cook at Luebo is 
baking bread. All of the household's bread must be baked by the cook 
as there is no commercial bread available. A particular cook is often 
especially noted for his bread and rolls, and perhaps for pies and 
cakes as well. The cook lives in the African village and arrives at 
work around 6:30 AM to begin preparing the breakfast. In 1960 he 
earned a salary of from twenty to forty dollars a month, depending on 
the size of his family. 

The "Baba" or nursemaid is the second highest ranking member 
of the household staff. She has the responsibility of looking after 
the children most of the day while the missionary mother is in lan- 
guage study or later involved in some missionary duties. If the child 



84 

or children are small and in diapers it is the task of the baba to 
launder all the soiled diapers. As babysitter she has the run of the 
house and performs such functions as putting away the general laundry, 
making and turning down the beds and picking up the children's toys. 
Babas are usually mature "single" women, either widowed or divorced. 
They report to work in time to take over the child after breakfast and 
work until 4:30 or 5:00 in the afternoon. Besides their salary of 
from twenty to twenty-five dollars a month, it is the custom to permit 
the baba to take a large bucket of water to the village each evening. 
The water source for the village people was a spring one mile from 
APCM-Luebo. The women usually carried water during the day while the 
nursemaids were at work. 

The laundry man is the third highest-ranking domestic helper. 
He is responsible for washing all of the family laundry in pails and 
washtubs and ironing it with a charcoal burning iron. For a family 
with two or three children this task takes almost the full work week 
to complete. He, like the cook, was often a mature man. He might be 
a younger man with the aspiration of working his way up to being a 
cook. In the local African tradition both cooking and washing are 
considered "women's work," and it is only in the context of working 
for the foreigner that men are comfortable with these roles. 

The position of "house boy" was common in former years, but 
the tasks of sweeping, mopping and cleaning were more recently shared 
by the laundry man and the baba. It was also common in earlier years 
for the cook to have a kitchen boy who kept the fire going and washed 
the dishes. As salaries have increased and equipment improved, the 



85 

missionaries have encouraged their cooks to accept all aspects of the 
kitchen work. For a first-class cook this is seemingly difficult, 
and he usually prevails upon the sentry to do the cleaning up. 

The sentry is the fourth member of the normal household staff. 
He is provided by the mission and has the responsibility of being a 
night watchman, generally keeping up the lawn, and assuring that the 
kitchen is supplied with wood for the cook stove. He is also respon- 
sible for lighting and tending the hot water heater every day so that 
there will be hot water available in the bathroom in the evening for 
family baths. The sentry has a room in the outbuilding. Ideally, he 
does not sleep all night, but makes periodic patrols of the lawn and 
buildings. His official work time is at night and he is free to return 
to the village during the day. In practice, most sentries spend a 
good part of the day on their jobs and sleep at night. They work on 
the lawn, get the wood and run errands for the missionary family 
members and other workers. They must maintain a household of their own 
in the village and are discouraged from having their wives and children 
stay with them in the missionary "fence." The reason given for this 
rule is that the "fence" is already sufficiently crowded with the 
missionary couple, their children, three or four helpers and the con- 
stant stream of visitors and traders. A sentry's wife and children 
would only add to the noise and commotion, and invite even more numer- 
ous visitors. As the sentry's job is a seven-night-a-week arrangement, 
it was understood that there are occasional family visits during the 
night to the sentry's room in the outbuilding. This was done in such 
a way that it was never noticeable to the missionary. The system ap- 



86 

parently did not work any hardship on anyone involved as the writer 
never heard a single complaint about the night work arrangement. 

It is often the case that a young boy of school age or a 
young adult is hired to do yard work and thus relieve the sentry of 
part of his job. These arrangements are usually "piece work" and the 
relationships are temporary. If an extensive garden is desired by the 
missionary, a full-time gardener is added to the payroll. This is 
usually an old man who has done gardening for missionaries for many 
years. He usually earns around twenty dollars a month as he is well 
past the age of having dependent children in his household. 

The one position lacking among the missionary helpers which 
one always finds in the European, particularly Belgian, households and 
businesses is the chauffeur. The European seldom drives in the Kasayi. 
The missionaries, on the other hand, have always insisted on driving 
whatever vehicles there are avilable and have been reluctant to "turn 
vehicles over to" African chauffeurs. The station usually has one 
African mechanic who may have earned his way to limited chauffeuring 
of the station truck. More often than not some male missionary will 
be enlisted to drive the truck or any mission vehicle. 
The Missionary Furnishing and Equipment 

When a new missionary was preparing for his or her first trip 
to Africa they received an approved list of needed supplies and var- 
ious forms of unofficial advice. The new missionary was told in the 
official list and by many of the older missionaries with whom he had 
contact, that: 



87 



Anything that makes your home more attractive and 
comfortable in America (except electrical equip- 
ment) will be useful in the Congo - mirrors, vases, 
pictures, bookends, candlesticks, small washable 
rugs, etc... You will probably have to do more en- 
tertaining than the average housekeeper at home, 
much of it at meals, so you will need a larger sup- 
ply of table linen, dishes, and silver than at home... 
Take a good mattress and springs. Good beds are an 
essential, so economize somewhere else... 

Bedsteads are made by the African carpenters upon the missionary's 
arrival and remain his personal property. Most of the basic heavy 
furniture is provided by the mission and remains in the particular 
house if the missionary is moved. The beds, the kerosene refrigerator 
and other small pieces that the missionary imports or has made at his 
expense remain the missionary's private property. The new first- term 
missionary is given a furniture allowance of $150 to be used for the 
construction of any needed furniture with the understanding that this 
furniture remains the property of the mission and the particular sta- 
tion where it was purchased (cf. Par. S4, Appendix 1). 

The result of these practices is that the missionary residence 
at Luebo has the appearance of an American home. A more exact compari- 
son might be a well-furnished summer home in the United States today. 
The furnishings and decor provide the cultural identification of 
American Presbyterians from, primarily, the Southeastern section of the 
United States. The presence of several servants is reminiscent of 
former Southern American culture history. 
The Missionary Diet 

The missionary living on a mission station has a diet which is 
similar to that which he might have in the United States. This is 



possible through the policy of placing large food orders with whole- 
sale food exporters in New York and Copenhagen. Canned meats, condi- 
ments, flour, powdered milk, spices, some canned vegetables, dessert 
mixes and specialty items such as Chinese ingredients are imported from 
overseas. Many items can be purchased locally in the grocery stores 
catering to Europeans. Spices that are common in Europe are usually 
available. Cooking oil, sugar, flour, potatoes, carrots, cauliflower, 
celery and cabbage are usually available in local stores. The vege- 
tables are often imported from the Kivu region or flov/n in from Bel- 
gium. Beef, pork, veal and mutton are also available at Luebo-Etat. 
A long list of items are purchased either at the door from vendors or 
at the weekly native market. Rice, corn, cornmeal , peas, tomatoes, 
spinach, eggplant, peppers, citrus fruit, papaya, pineapple, bananas, 
mangos, guavas, chickens, eggs, pumpkin type squash, green beans, 
tomato paste, corned beef, manioc flour and palm oil are all purchased 
on or near the station. Some of these items are those grown in a 
private garden if the missionary is inclined to go to the trouble and 
expense. 

Because of the large number of visitors, meals tend to be 
elaborate. Whenever there is a visitor on the station the usual pat- 
tern is that he or she will "eat around." This involves rotating 
among the resident families for various meals. Breakfast is taken at 
one home, lunch at the next and supper at a third. This system of 
"assigned" guests plus personal guests from among the station staff 
can amount to from 30 to 300 extra meals served each month. The repu- 
tation of the lady of the house and of the cook depended on the quality 



89 



of these guest meals. As a result, even a breakfast is often a memor- 
able culinary and social occasion. 

Missionary Clothing 
Missionaries are advised to bring to the field enough clothing 
to last them a four-year term. Light summer type clothing for men, 
women and children is what is suggested. The only requirement is 
that it not need dry cleaning, as this service is not available. An 
official list entitled "Suggestions Concerning Outfit for the Congo" 
(cf. Appendix 2) states for women: 

Any type of clothing used in summer in America 
that does not require dry cleaning is suitable 
for the Congo. A good supply of wash dresses 
for morning wear and a few a bit dressier for 
afternoon and evening are most suitable. A 
dinner dress is worn very seldom and is not a 
necessity. 

For men the list states: 

Suits of seersucker, linen, palm beach, gabar- 
ine or white duck are most useful. A good 
supply of extra trousers in khaki or any of the 
above materials is needed for everyday wear... 
Most of the time men go coatless and wear open- 
throated sport shirts. Take dress and sport 
shirts, pajamas, underv/ear, handkerchiefs, socks, 
ties, etc., according to personal taste. 

It is pointed out that a variety of cotton cloth can be purchased 
locally so that if patterns are imported, quite a bit of clothing can 
be made for the children and wife. Underwear and shoes should be im- 
ported from the United States, as the limited supply that are avail- 
able are \/ery expensive. In the past the European style and cut had 
not been accepted by the American missionaries. The missionaries in 
Luebo always look like Americans dressed for suimertime: the women 



90 

in cotton dresses, usually of knee length; the men in khaki pants and 
bright-colored sport shirt. Shorts are not recommended for the women, 
and if men appear in shorts they are the long, colored walking short 
type. This is a distinct contrast to the other European men who wear 
short white shorts and knee socks, and also to the Africans who always 
wear long pants feeling that shorts are suitable only for small boys. 

Finances 

Many of the missionary's financial transactions are handled 
through paperwork within the structure of the mission. The station 
treasurer forwards notes of these transactions to the mission treasur- 
er who, in turn, deals with the Board of World Missions' treasurer if 
the transaction involves payment outside the territory of the mission. 
The Board of World Missions treasurer in the United States handles 
payment of such items as U.S. Income Tax, Social Security paym.ents, 
life insurance premiums, missionary correspondence, children's school 
materials, and personal food and supply orders, debiting the mission- 
ary's field account. 

The missionary's salary is credited each month to the mission 
treasurer who keeps an open account for each missionary family. The 
missionary can draw cash in local currency as needed, either froir the 
station treasurer or the mission treasurer. It is not unusual for the 
missionaries to have debit balances ranging up to $3,000 on their 
personal accounts. Debits are usually high when missionaries return 
to the field with new supplies, and diminish over the four-year period 
before the next furlough year. 



CHAPTER 5 

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION I: PRESBYTERIAN TRADITION 

AND THE FORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY 

All human groupings have particular and identifiable patterns 
of organization. These patterns are generally culture-specific and 
are consistent over time. This chapter will deal with the ways in 
which the missionary community is organized or structured. Psycholo- 
gists and anthropologists have long employed some sort of bipolar way 
of analyzing human behavior. Edward T. Hall (1959:65) links names to 
pairs of concepts which illustrate this approach; Freud to conscious 
and unconscious, Sullivan to in-awareness and out-of-awareness, Linton 
to overt and covert, others used overt and covert or ideal and real. 
Hall suggests (1959:66ff) the tripartite scheme of formal, informal, 
and technical to describe cultural levels. Hall and George L. Trager 
arrived at their 3-level theory through an intensive study of the 
way Americans talk about time. 

Ue discovered that there were three kinds of 
time; formal time, which everybody knows about 
and takes for granted and which is well worked 
into daily life; informal time, which has to do 
with situational or imprecise references like 
"awhile," "later," "in a minute," and so on; 
technical time, an entirely different system 
used by scientists and technicians, in which 
even the terminology may be unfamiliar to the 
non-specialist. . .We discovered that man has not 
two but three modes of behavior (Hall 1959:66). 

The formal mode of behavior is that which is informed by the 

traditions of the community. It is learned by accepting precepts and 

91 



92 

admonitions. As Hall puts it (1959:67) "The adult mentor molds the 
young according to patterns he himself has never questioned." There 
is a type of formal cognition which takes tradition as absolutely 
binding and formal type emotion which accompanies any violation of 
the formal norm. According to American southern Presbyterian tradition, 
for instance, one does not eat caterpillars. Thus a surge of formal 
emotion is evoked when, in a Kasayi village, a missionary is offered 
a portion of large broiled caterpillars by his African host. Finally, 
formal systems are characterized by a very great tenacity. The formal 
changes slowly, almost imperceptibly. As Hall sums up this level 
(1959:80): "The formal provides a broad pattern within whose outlines 
the individual actor can fill in the details for himself. If he stays 
within the boundaries, life goes along smoothly. If not, he finds him- 
self in trouble." 

The informal level consists of those behaviors which are in- 
formed by experimentation in life situations. In learning the prin- 
ciple agent is a model used for imitation. Informal type cognition is 
minimal, as the informal is made up of activities and mannerisms which 
once learned, are done automatically. Each indigenous person in the 
Kasayi has learned informally to begin any conversation with a custom- 
ary greeting pattern of "Life to you, are you well, what is the news?" 
If a missionary failed to follow this informal norm, a definite un- 
comfortableness was evoked in the African. Another example of informal 
affect is the vague uneasiness experienced when a person from one 
culture violates the proxemic norms of another culture and stands too 
close to a bearer of the second culture. 



93 

The informal level changes more rapidly as it is learned 
through trial and error and imitation. In language, it represents the 
area called "slang" which each new generation of young people remolds 
to their own tastes. 

The technical level exists in all cultures, but is most obvious 
in the technologically developed areas. It is taught by a combination 
of precept, explanation and trial and error. Cognition on this level 
involves understanding the explanations of why a certain operation 
must be done in a particular way. There is little affect or emotion 
related to the technical level. 

The present analysis is based upon these concepts, but it 
should be noted that the category of "technical" was generally fused 
into the "formal" in the missionary context. The organizational struc- 
ture of the mission described below was primarily a technical arrange- 
ment to enable a group of people to perform a task. It had, however, 
become formalized and was taught by precept and admonition. A neophyte 
missionary found that many of the lessons he must learn were binary: 
of a yes-no, right-wrong character. In missionary life there were 
many meetings in which the missionary must participate. These assem- 
blages typify the formal structure and will be described below. 
Presbyterian Tradition 

As has been discussed in the historical section, southern 
American Presbyterians have a rigidly structured system through which 
decisions are made concerning the membership and activity of their 
group. Their decisions are made in meetings. There are prescribed 
assemblages on all levels of the organization from the most particular. 



94 

the "Session" of the individual congregation, to the most general and 
inclusive, the "General Assembly" of the delegates from the whole de- 
nomination. Between these two extremes is the all-important Presby- 
tery which has the ultimate formal power, as it controls the sessions 
under it and must ratify any constitutional changes of the General 
Assembly over it. 

Presbyterian churchmen are schooled in the mechanics of making 
decisions within this structure. Each clergyman has studied courses in 
Church Polity during his theological education, and theory becomes 
practice in his obligatory and regular quarterly participation in 
Presbytery meetings. Presbyterian laymen who are elected Elders by 
their congregations participate often weekly in the local Session 
meeting and are delegated, often on a rotating basis, to the meetings 
of Presbytery. 

The meeting is traditional. Its timing and format as an event 
are structured. Two publications guide the participants: The Book of 
Church Order , which presents the church's constitution and by-laws, 
and Robert's Rules of Order , which is taken as the parliamentary 
authority. An intellectual grasp of the contents of these 2 books and 
skill in their application "on the floor of Presbytery" is the mark of 
a "good" presbyter. At these meetings and among Presbyterian church- 
men generally the adage "everything must be done decently and in 
order" is often heard. 

In our study of the mission at Luebo, we noticed much of the 
formal structure in decision-making transplanted to Africa by the 
missionaries. Although the mission structure is more hierarchical in 



95 

.that the largest assemblage has ultimate power, the method of decision- 
making by assembled groups is identical. 

It must be kept in mind that in the most formal sense we are 
dealing with two formal structures. We will be primarily concerned 
with the missionary structures, but these can never be entirely separ- 
ated from the African church, which co-existed with the mission through 
the years. The original aim of the APCM was the evangelization of the 
Kasayi as that term was understood by southern Presbyterians. The 
birth and growth of an African church was expected. The accepted mis- 
siology of the period conceived of the mission structure as a kind of 
scaffolding which had to be built to enable the indigenous church to 
rise within it. The particular changes dealt with in Chapter 7 below 
related to the questions of exactly when and how the vast "scaffolding" 
which was the APCM was to be removed. 

The church structure began with early conferences of the 
African pastors and village evangelists, and developed concomitantly 
with the mission into the formal structures described in the latter 
sections of this chapter. 

The detailed descriptions of both sets of institutions are 
being presented to demonstrate the effect of culturally persistent 
ways of communicating, ways of arriving at decisions and ways of im- 
plementing decisions which were particular to both the mission and the 
church, and which were often in conflict with each other. 
The Formal Structure 

Because our focus is primarily on the missionaries as agents 
of change, and because, prior to 1960, the mission tended to overshadow 



96 



the church in many respects, we will begin with an analysis of the 
structure of the APCM. 
The Mission 

To understand much that took place at APCM-Luebo it is neces- 
sary to understand the social and political organization of the mission 
as a whole. 

The mission was a group of people, Americans and other Euro- 
peans, sent to the Kasayi by the Board of World Missions of the Pres- 
byterian Church in the United States. These people, the missionaries, 
were formally organized in a traditionally Presbyterian manner. There 
was no episcopal authority among the missionaries. They were respon- 
sible only to the Board of World Missions in the United States. The 
ultimate authority of the group at the local level was the parliament- 
ary decision of the annual assemblage known as Mission Meeting. The 
missionaries were distributed geographically to stations, vocationally 
in departments, and some structurally in various committees and boards. 
All of this distribution was determined by the vote of the annual mis- 
sion meeting. The importance of a decision by vote at Mission Meet- 
ing in the authority structure was reflected in the fact the the 
Minutes of Mission Meeting were printed each year as a top priority 
item by the mission press. A special classification and citation sys- 
tem was developed to ensure ready access to any particular decision. 
Women's suffrage among the missionaries was an interesting case in 
point. 

MM-17-51 (51st decision of mission meeting in 
1917) Moved and carried that the present policy 
with reference to women voting be continued. 
Policy: it is the duty of women to vote on their 



97 



respective stations. At mission meeting the 
Ladies Conference is given a meeting (session) 
to bring before the mission any matters they 
have to bring up, and refer to MM-14-16. 

MM- 2 0-4 That [name deleted] be appointed to 
write a' circular letter to all the ladies of 
the mission to determine their attitudes towards 
women's suffrage on the mission... 

MM-21-17 [name deleted] reported that it was 
the "consensus of opinion of the ladies. , .that 
married women should not vote but that single 
women should be given the privilege. In view of 
the fact that the majority of the ladies as a 
whole did not desire the vote it w as m oved and 
carri ed that no women be allowed to vote (i t a 1 i c s 
mine). 

AI C--23-A pril-9 The committee reports that up to 
the present the vote is four to one in favor of 
the vote for single ladies. It was thereupon 
moved and carried that we adopt the report and 
receive the ladies as voting members with a 
cordial welcome. 

In the 1957 edition of the constitution of the APCM the fol 

lowing statement v^as made regarding voting on the mission: 

Any missionary, ordained or unordained, under 
regular appointment by the Board of World Mis- 
sions shall be entitled to vote at Mission 
Meeting after a residence of two years on the 
field and having passed his language examina- 
tions. . .Missionaries of nationalities other 
than American, or of denominations other than 
our ov;n, may, upon application to the Mission, 
become associate members without voting powers, 
provided there is unanimous consent of mis- 
sionaries present on the field at the time the 
application is made and by the Board of World 
Missions. . .All missionaries shall have the 
privilege of debate and advise, and they can 
vote on the question of their removal from one 
station to another, and also in regard to v^hat 
work is to be assigned them. Missionaries under 
regular appointment may vote on their respective 
stations after a residence of one year on the 
field, provided they have passed their lang- 
uage examinations (APCM 1957:6). 



98 

The language examination was a testing of competency in Tshil- 
uba. This was the major indigenous language. The test occurred after 
a prescribed course of 3 months full-time study followed by 3 months 
half-time study. 

Through the years the temporal restriction on the power to vote 
at Mission Meeting was 2 years. This mechanism maintained a clear dis- 
tinction between "new missionaries" and "seasoned missionaries." 
Stemming from this rule it was generally understood that new mission- 
aries would have very little to say at the various meetings until after 
at least half of their first term had passed. The practical effect of 
this control of input was that after several years had passed, very 
often the new missionary had settled into the system and no longer 
had the same criticisms or suggestions which were silenced a few years 
before. The 1955 publication of the Missionary Manual by the Board 
of World Missions liberalizes the policy (the Board of World Missions 
being the higher authority of the APCM) stating "All missionaries in 
regular, special term or volunteer service who have completed one 
year or more of service on the field are entitled to vote" (BWM 1965: 
73). 

The Mission had the following officers: a chairman, a 
secretary, recording secretaries of the Mission Meeting, a Mission 
Treasurer, a Stated Clerk, a Legal Representative and suppliants, and 
a Mission School Inspector. In the history of the Mission, none of 
these officers were women except the recording secretaries at the 
Mission Meetings. These officers were elected for 1 year, their term 
of service beginning immediately after the close of the Annual Mission 



99 

Meeting unless otherwise specified (APCM 1957:6). 

The powers of the Mission are stated as follows: 

A. To decide all questions of policy not already decided by 
the BWM. 

B. To make all requests for new missionaries. 

C. To decide on the opening of new stations. 

D. To decide on the opening of Mission or station institutions, 
and in the case of institutions, where they are to be 
located. 

E. To exercise control over the placing of missionaries and 
the particular kind of work in which they shall engage. 
(Where a missionary is especially concerned, due considera- 
tions shall be given to his feelings in the matter.) 

F. To approve the annual budget estimates and all other re- 
quests for funds from the BWM. 

G. To alone have the power to transfer budget appropriations 
from one purpose to another except in cases where this 
power has been delegated to stations or committees and 
when not in conflict with BWM Manual paragraph 133. 

H. To approve all donations for building and equipment. 

I. To decide time and place of annual Mission Meeting. 

A review of these powers indicates the importance of the annual 
Mission Meeting as it is at this assemblage of the predominately white 
foreign missionaries that these powers were fulfilled. 

The 1957 by-laws of the APCM specifies 42 committees and 
boards to which the Mission Meeting must appoint members from among 



100 



the foreign missionaries on the field. Some of these committees had a 
much greater importance to the dynamics of life at Luebo than did 
others. A brief review will signal the ones of special significance. 

The Mission Meeting Arrangements Cornnittee . This committee was 
responsible for a schedule of hours for the daily sessions, a schedule 
of leaders for morning and evening devotional periods and to make ar- 
rangements for the lodging and meals of the Mission Meeting. Each 
station was required to select 2 of its members who were to prepare 
sermons to be preached at the Mission Meeting, and notify the Arrange- 
ments Committee of their names. 

The Docket Committee . This committee was composed of the Mis- 
sion Secretary and all of the Station Secretaries. This committee 
received all items from the stations for consideration at the annual 
Mission Meeting. They were to be in the form of motions or overtures, 
and included questions touching the assignment or reassignment of 
missionaries. The Chairman had to circulate to all stations the com- 
plete prepared docket 5 weeks before the Mission Meeting. 

The Steering Committee was composed of Stated Clerk, Chairman 
of the Mission and Chairman of the Mission Meeting Arrangements Com- 
mittee. Its duties were to guide the Mission to a consideration af 
matters of major importance as early as possible during Mission 
Meeting. (Meetings often ran 2 weeks.) Further to propose a schedule 
of comnittee meetings from day to day during Mission Meeting. Also, 
they nominated members to fill vacancies on committees and as far as 
possible prevented one person from being on 2 standing committees. 
With 42 committees and 170 missionaries stratified by age statuses. 



101 

this latter stipulation was very difficult to meet. 

The Nominating C ommi ttee was composed of the Mission Meeting 
chairman as chairman and 4 other members. These members v/ere elected 
from the floor at one of the early sessions of the Mission Meeting. 
Its duty was to nominate members to the various standing committees 
for the coming year. 

The Pla cement of Miss ionari es Committee . It was composed of 
5 members elected by the Mission. It considered the overtures from 
the stations in regard to personnel. It reassigned all personnel on 
the field and assigned new people due to arrive. The "Placement" Com- 
mittee was of considerable importance. It v;as a prestigious com:;ittee 
to be elected to since its members acted as "gatekeepers" to the flow 
of personnel. This committee met during Mission Meeting in impressive 
secrecy and usually reported late in the meeting, at a night session, 
by unveiling a large blackboard showing the placement of the entire 
staff of the Mission at the various stations and institutions. 

The Medical and F url ough C ommitte e was composed of 7 members 
of the medical personnel - doctors, nurses or technicians. However, 
at Mission Meeting all doctors, nurses and technicians present were 
considered voting members of this committee. They determined the best 
possible prosecution of the medical work of the Mn'ssion and also re- 
ported on personnel furlough due dates. It was after this report of 
vyhich personnel v/ere going to leave the field on furlough, that the 
"vote to return" was taken. The missionary group as a whole voted on 
whether or not it was advisable for each particular missionary to 
return after furlough. It was at Mission Meeting that each missionary 



102 



must "pass muster" every 4 years. 

The Evangelistic Committee was composed of one evangelistic 

man (clergy) from each station. 

The primary purpose of this committee is to keep 
constantly before the Mission and the Congo Church 
the supreme task of evangelism which is to bring 
men to a saving knowledge of Christ and to estab- 
lish an indigenous church which is self-supporting, 
self-governing, and self-propagating. To this end 
the Mission and the indigenous church have adopted 
a Book of Church Order in which is laid down the 
Mission's policy (APCM 1957:15). 

The Replies to Native Courts Conmittee was required following 
the above statement. That is, actions of the Mission Meeting were to 
be translated into Tshiluba (from English) and transmitted to the 
African church groups. The 3 American members were appointed at each 
Mission Meeting. 

The Educational Committee carried the stipulated task in the 
by-laws of "keeping before the Mission the supreme task of Christian 
Education, which is the development of Christian character" (APCM 1957: 
15). Composed of one member from each station with the School In- 
spector as ex officio member, this comnittee, in actuality, was con- 
cerned with all aspects of the secular educational arm of the Mission, 
touching schools from the primary level to professional training on 
the university level. The members of this committee tended to be 
professional educators and their concerns were pedagogical in the 
technical sense. 

The Language and Publication Committee , composed of the di- 
rector of the Mission Press and 5 other members, had responsibility for 
approving all literature to be published "in the native language" 



103 

before it was printed or mimeographed. It also received and trans- 
mitted to the Mission reports from stations on the language study and 
examination of new missionaries. It also had general oversight of 
the policies and activities of the Mission Press. 

The Finance Committee was composed of the Mission Treasurer 
and 4 other members. It considered budget estimates sent in by the 
stations and made recommendations to the Mission Meeting. An Audit 
Conduit tee of 2 members audited the Mission Treasurer's books at the 
end of each fiscal year. 

The Property Committee controlled the specifications and con- 
struction of all new buildings where the cost exceeded $500. The 
5 members of this committee were usually drawn from the "industrial" 
personnel . 

The Personnel Committee , composed of 3 members and one alter- 
nate, was elected by ballot at each annual Mission Meeting. This 
committee received grievances from missionaries concerning their 
assigned work, their assigned location or relations with other mission- 
aries with whom they were associated. All parties concerned were to 
be on the field and it was made clear that the Personnel Committee 
had no executive powers. Any change it proposed in the work or loca- 
tion of a missionary was to be ratified by the Mission at its annual 
meeting or at a stated Ad Interim meetirrg. 

The Policy Coimittee was composed of 6 members, 2 being elected 
each year to serve a term of 3 years. This committee was charged with 
long-range planning for the Mission and reported its recommendations 
to the Mission for implementation. It was strictly advisory. 



104 

Twenty-seven other committees were named from the American 
missionary group each year which ^ together with the 15 described 
above, supervised all of the varied activities of the APCM and, to 
some extent, regulated the lives of its members. Women's V/ork, Young 
People's Work, Music and Worship, Audiovisual Aids, Radio, Girl's 
Homes, Christian Education, Boards of the Missionary Children's 
School and 4 African secondary schools, all were represented in this 
collection of committees. It is clear from this review that every 
aspect of the missionary's life and work was subject to some decision- 
making group which reported its recommendations to the annual assem- 
blage of the Mission for a definitive vote. 

The by-laws set the expectations of the group in most areas of 

life, including personal politics: 

Missionaries shall do all within their power to 
show a patriotic interest in the Belgian govern- 
ment, such as securing Belgian end Congo flags, 
celebrating special government holidays, teaching 
the natives [sic] the national anthem, and en- 
couraging loyalty to the government (APCM 1957: 
22). 

Also included in these expectations are financial and estate matters: 

All missionaries, men and v/omen, married or single, 
are required to make their wills as to the disposi- 
tion of their personal property in the Congo, and 
these shall be placed in the custody of the Legal 
Representative and a copy filed with the Mission 
Treasurer (APCM 1957:23). 

The Statio ns 

The formal organization of the stations in many respects re- 
peated at a lower level that of the Mission. The station elected 
annually a chairman, a secretary, a treasurer and a local representa- 



105 



tive. Regular monthly meetings were held and permanent minutes of 

these meetings were kept. 

The station treasurer had important duties affecting the 

missionary's personal finances. Besides keeping all of the station 

accounts, departmental and personal, he or she rendered monthly 

financial statements to the Mission Treasurer and rendered quarterly 

financial statements to the station by departments. It was the station 

treasurer who controlled the advance of funds to both individuals for 

their personal use and to departments for the work. These controls 

were explicit and rigid. 

The station treasurer shall not advance any 
further funds to any department showing a deficit 
on the books of the station treasurer, until the 
station has considered that department's budget 
and officially provided some way to carry on the 
work without incurring a deficit on the station 
as a whole (APCM 1957:12). 

The personal finances of the missionaries were not controlled, however, 

in this manner. The station treasurer would advance any reasonable 

amount of cash to the missionary simply transferring the debit to the 

Mission Treasurer who kept the personal accounts of all the missionaries, 

It was not at all unusual for a missionary to carry a debit balance 

for a number of years with the Mission Treasurer. There was usually 

strong encouragement given by the Board of World Missions Treasurer to 

clear debit balances before the end of a field term or during furlough, 

as each return to the field usually involved heavy expenditures for a 

fresh "outfit." The personal finances of the missionaries were largely 

handled through station, Mission and Board of World Missions accounts, 

the missionary using only the amount of cash needed locally. Within 



106 



rather generous limits the missionary had open credit for drawing cash 
and placing orders abroad or making purchase payments among mission- 
aries. 

The powers of the station were: (A) to direct and develop 
the work within its bounds, including the work and duties of the mis- 
sionaries; (B) to establish rules and regulations for governing 
station institutions and departments according to local conditions as 
far as they do not conflict with the Mission policies; (C) to make 
necessary transfers in its annual appropriations from one class to 
another and (D) exercise control over the erection of new buildings 
on the station. It will be seen in Chapter 6 that the actual areas of 
control of the stations are even broader than these outlined in the 
constitution of the APCM. 
The Departments 

The departments were the third level of descending field 
organization of the Mission. They were made up of all the personnel 
on the station representing the various departments: Evangelistic, 
Educational, Medical or Industrial (cf.. Figure 7). These departments 
were organized with a chairman, secretary and treasurer. They also 
managed, in spite of their small membership, to appoint numerous 
committees to deal with particular aspects of their work. Department 
members normally worked in daily contact with each other. If any 
policy change or financial matter demanding station approval was con- 
cerned, a formal meeting was held, votes were taken, and minutes kept. 
The Presbyterian maxim that "everything must be done decently and in 
order" was reflected throughout the organizational structure and 



107 



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108 



practice of the APCM. 

The American Presbyterian Congo Mission had a complex formal 
organization. It is important to note that all of the foregoing 
structural description applies to the American missionaries. The 
African church, the creation and development of which was the ultimate 
goal of the Mission, was organized separately and had its own structure, 
The structural pattern of the Presbyterian Church in Zaire corresponds 
generally to that of the Presbyterian Church in the United States. The 
missionaries had taught the African Christians what a church should be 
and it has been largely a formal process, passing on traditions, dogmas 
and precepts from the parent ecclesiastical culture to the daughter 
church. The missionary rationale at any particular juncture of 
development had been "It must be done the Presbyterian way." A 
description of these church structures, as they were created in the 
Kasayi , follows. 
The Congregations (Ekelezia Mujadika ) 

The primary and most "grass-roots" level of church organiza- 
tion was the local congregation (Ekelezia mujadika, an established 
church). Ideally, this was a local group of Christians who were 
organized with elected leaders (Bakulu, "elders") and a pastor (Mpasata' 
whom they had chosen and for whom they provided a salary and house. 
These conditions for the establishment of a local congregation as- 
sumed an ecclesiastical and financial maturity which had been slow in 
manifesting itself among the local Kasayi groups. Between 1928 and 
1930, 20 African congregations were organized and given the blessing 
of the Mission. After a period of 10 years they had all found that 



109 

they could not function under the so-called Nevius Plan of self-pro- 
pagating, self-supporting and self-governing congregations, and re- 
quested the larger organizational entity, the presbytery (Tshihangu) 
for financial support and guidance. This was an ecclesiastical set- 
back for the Zaire church and a failure for the Mission which was not 
corrected until 1960 when, for the second time, local congregations 
were organized with full Presbyterian responsibilities. 
The Presbyteries (Bihangu) 

Ideally, this was the quarterly assemblage of clergy and lay 
elders from all the local congregations in a specific geographical 
area. As has been seen, local congregations were slow in materializing 
in Zaire. The African Presbytery was made up of all the ordained 
African clergy who worked in the geographical area corresponding to 
the outstation field of the mission station. Thus, Luebo Presbytery 
corresponds geographically with the section of the Kasayi for which 
the American missionaries at APCM-Luebo were responsible (cf. Figure 
3). 

There were 3 grades of African clergy working in this area. 
Pastors, who had completed at least 13 years of education, including 
the Morrison Bible School or the Preacher's School, who were ordained 
as clergy, and who had general oversight of the church work in the 
region. The pastors were supported from Presbytery funds which de- 
rived from all African church offerings plus a substantial subsidy 
from the Mission. The grade "Elder" was a type of assistant pastor 
and functioned as second-level clergy, also deriving their support 
from the Presbytery. A "session" of these pastors and elders traveled 



no 

throughout the area dealing with the ecclesiastical matters of examina- 
tion and reception of new members, administering the sacraments of 
baptism and the Lord's Supper, disciplining wayward Chirstians and 
deciding "palavers" among the Christians in the rural villages. The 
groups of African Christians in the villages were led by the village 
Evangelist. He was a man with minimal formal training in churchmanship 
and pedagogy. He led the congregation in regular worship and taught 
the village primary school, usually grades 1 through 3. The evangel- 
ists were employed and salaried by the Presbytery, but were not voting 
members at Presbytery meetings. 

The American missionaries, especially those assigned to the 
Evangelistic Department, were ex officio members of the African Pres- 
bytery. They were not under the exclusive ecclesiastical jurisdiction 
of the African Church, as they maintained their offical connections 
with some Presbytery in the Presbyterian Church in the United States. 
They did vote, however, in the African Presbyteries, and through the 
years, had considerable success in forming policy and controlling 
ecclesiastical events. 
The Synod (Mpungilu ) 

The Synod in the Kasayi church corresponded to the General 
Assembly in the American Presbyterian Church form. (Following the full 
"independence" of the African church in 1960, the name of this assem- 
blage has been changed to the General Assembly.) This was the dele- 
gated annual meeting of representatives of African clergy and laity 
from the entire Kasayi area. Missionaries attended on the same basis 
as they did the meetings of Presbytery. 



Ill 



PLATE 7 




a. Village evangelists and indigenous church elders 




b. Zairian church pastors and missionary conducting a worship service. 



112 

The degree of cultural patterning from the American mission- 
aries on the African church is seen in the existence and format of the 
printed minutes of each year's meeting of the Mpungilu or Assemblee 
General le . (64-AG-l through 64-AG-171 Chronicle in Tshiluba, the 
decisions of the 1964 General Assembly of the African church.) 

The Mpungilu or General Assembly of the African church thus 
corresponded geographically and functionally to the Mission Meeting of 
the APCn. The Mpungilu made annual budget requests for financial aid 
to the Mission and it administered funds for the church received from 
the Mission. The evangelistic missionaries (mainly American clergy- 
men) were influential in both organizations. 

These organizational structures were formal and rigid. The 
ways in which the missionary interacted within this context and the 
informal structures which their interaction created will be discussed 
in the following chapter. 



CHAPTER 6 

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION II: PATTERNS OF INTERACTION 

AND THE INFORMAL STRUCTURE OF THE MISSION COMMUNITY 

Patterns of Interaction 

No human coirimunity exists in total isolation and in spite of 
the degree of isolation of the APCM, their members were in daily con- 
tact with non-American servants and co-workers on the Mission station 
at Luebo, and with non-mission personnel further afield. This chapter 
will deal with the patterns of interaction between the missionaries 
and between mission and non-mission personnel resulting in cultural 
contact and cultural change. The interaction patterns of the mission- 
aries will be described in the context of four areas of behavior: work, 
marriage and family, recreation and religion. 
Work 

As was stated in an earlier discussion, the Mission was organ- 
ized into a rigid formal structure with the annual assemblage of the 
missionaries at Mission Meeting being the major decision-making event. 

The whole geographical area of the Mission was divided among 
the various stations, each having responsibility for the "evangeliza- 
tion" of its surrounding territory. 

The Mission was considered the top-level administrative unit 
in the field. It, of course, was ultimately responsible to the Board 
of World Missions located in Nashville, TN, U.S.A. The several sta- 
tions were administrative units on a second level in the system (cf. 

113 



114 

Figure 7). Like the Mission as a whole, the station "acted" through 
majority vote decisions of all the American missionaries meeting in 
regular (in this case monthly) assemblages. Monthly station meetings 
were normally held in the evening and open exclusively to the American 
Presbyterian missionaries. 

The pattern of evening station meetings functioned to enhance 
exclusivity as no church-related meetings involving Africans were ever 
scheduled in the evenings. The stated rationale for this missionary 
tradition of not holding assemblages with "the Africans after dark was 
that large gatherings at night attracted individuals intoxicated with 
alcohol or cannabis and encouraged undesirable nocturnal activities 
among young people. Thus, when all African co-workers and servants 
had left the station after their day's work (except for the sentries 
who remained in their respective yards), the American missionaries 
assembled to conduct the business of the station and to participate in 
the governmental process of the Mission. 

The flow of decision traveled in both directions. The Mission 
Meeting made decisions which affected the station such as budget allo- 
cations and personnel assignments. The station, as a unit, could 
initiate action by "overturing" the Mission on a particular question. 
Any particular proposal submitted to the Mission must have had the 
approval of the station meeting of the location from which it originated. 

The station, in turn, was organized into the several depart- 
ments: the evangelistic, the education, the medical and the indus- 
trial. Work not obviously connected with the four major departments, 
such as the printing facility, radio programming studio, institutions 



115 

of higher education, etc., were all governed by their own Mission- 
appointed committees or boards of directors. 

Luebo station had representatives of all of the four major 
departments as well as being the location of two "mission" institutions, 
the J.L. Wilson Press, and the Preacher's School (cf. Figure 7). The 
evangelistic department was staffed with three clergymen and their 
wives. The educational department was staffed with a male educator 
and his wife and two single female educators. The medical department 
was staffed with one physician and his wife, a registered nurse, a 
single female physician and a second nurse, the wife of one of the 
other missionaries. Also a dentist and his wife were part of the 
medical department. The industrial department at Luebo was represented 
by one man. The Mission press was directed by a man and his wife as- 
signed by the Mission to this work. The Preacher's School had a mis- 
sionary director whose wife oversees the school's wives' division. 

The interaction networks of the missionaries tend to follow 
household lines. Both partners of many of the couples were involved 
in the same type work. Where there was a difference between the area 
of v/ork of the husband and the wife, it was the exception rather than 
the rule. As was pointed out in the description of the missionaries 
themselves in Chapter 3 above, seven out of the nine couples at APCM- 
Luebo functioned more or less as a husband and wife team. Because the 
work load was heavy and there were frequent situations characterized 
by varying degrees of "crisis," tensions often build up in work inter- 
action networks. The resolution of husband-wife crises stemming from 
work interaction will be dealt with later in the section on marriage 



116 



and family. 

There was a tendency on the station for strong interpersonal 
networks to develop also within working groups. At Luebo the three 
clergymen, representing the evangelistic department, were in almost 
constant contact. They discussed shared work problems daily. They 
often discussed strategies to promote their specific department's work. 
There was a factor of territoriality which was very important in the 
dynamics of Luebo station. The "ideal" in missionary ideology is that 
everyone will be willing to share the resources that are available for 
the work. If reduction of budgets must take place, it was the practice 
of the Mission to cut all departments by the same percentage. The 
"real" attitude is often one of aggressive politicking to better the 
situation of one's particular department or project. The term used in 
the missionary jargon for an individual especially zealous for his own 
cause is that he or she is suffering from "stationitis" or in the con- 
text of the internal struggles of the station, "departmentitis." This 
affliction is usually decried most by those on the other side of the 
debate. 

At Luebo there was a definite professional rivalry between the 
evangelistic, educational and medical departments, although the mani- 
festations of this rivalry were usually very subtle. This subtlety 
was a function again of the temporal factor. All work took place 
during the day in the presence of African co-workers, servants, clients, 
patients or visitors. As it was the missionary vocation to demonstrate 
all the best Christian virtues, jealousy, avarice and deviousness 
could not be openly displayed. The kind of strategy planning which 



117 

might be subject to these vices took place in the infornal evening 
assemblages of cliques, longevity grades and professional networks. 
During the day, the African saw the "best side" of the missionary. 
If the actual implementing of the missionary activity required tactics 
which were not always in conformity with the best Christian virtues, 
this fact was not revealed to the Africans. 

The interdepartmental rivalry at APCM-Luebo is illustrated by 
what will be called the "new evangelistic vehicle regulations" affair. 
In 1959 special evangelistic funds became available for the purchase 
of a new Volkswagen minibus, and Jorgensen was sent 75 kilometers to 
the railroad town of Mweka to accept delivery of the vehicle. When 
he returned to APCM-Luebo, Dr. Norris suggested that the small bus 
could readily be converted for ambulance use in the rural areas. Dr. 
Norris had had two accidents in the past in which the vehicle was a 
total loss. Alarmed by these suggestions, the evangelistic committee 
was hastily called into session by its chairman. Ken Morgan. Regula- 
tions were passed stipulating that only evangelistic personnel would 
be allowed to drive the new vehicle. As Morgan and Richards had per- 
sonal vehicles and "Uncle" Jimmy Mitchell's work was centered at the 
Preacher's School on the station, the new Volkswagen was "assigned" 
to Jorgensen, the newest missionary on the station. 

The evangelistic committee's actions were never formally chal- 
lenged at station meeting, but Dr. Norris and other medical personnel 
made it clear informally that they felt their department had been 
limited unnecessarily because of the preachers' prejudiced views of 
the doctor's driving habits. 



118 

Relationships within the departments were generally amiable. 
The team spirit prevailed as there was always at least the potential con- 
flict with the other departments on the station. The clergymen and 
their wives often interacted throughout the day's work. The medical 
personnel worked in yery close contact, the physicians working together 
in the surgery and the hospital with the nurses always close at hand. 
The educational personnel were involved jointly with the many problems 
of the large 1,000 pupil primary school on the station. During the 
period of observation there had been no instance of an intradepartment- 
al dispute being brought to the attention of the entire station. 
Though there are differences of opinion within the departments, these 
differences are closely guarded with respect to the station as a whole. 
In contrast, there have been occasions at station meetings when con- 
flict of an interdepartmental nature has been openly expressed. 

At one evening station meeting the ever-innovative Bert 
Richards proposed that while the doctor was visiting his several rural 
dispensaries he might administer the final examinations in the regional 
primary schools in the same villages. Dr. Norris exploded with the 
declaration that although "the man who made that suggestion"* had tried 
to run every department on the station, he would not be given the 
prerogative of running the medical department. 
Marriage and Family 

There are a number of features of station life which affect 
the interaction of couples and their children. One of these is the 
above-mentioned situation in which the man and his wife work every day 
in the same department, each carrying a heavy work load. This pattern 



119 

affects their interaction in the home because often evenings are taken 
up in planning sessions or discussion of the work of the day. Thus, 
the family interaction pattern of the missionary is different from 
that of the typical southern Presbyterian couple in the United States. 
In the missionary situation, both the husband and the wife are direct- 
ly involved in related work and both are constantly reminded of the 
urgent needs of their services by the number of demands that are being 
made on their time. 

The missionary wife is an active participant in the activity 
of the mission. The demand of the work upon her time is a factor in 
her interaction patterns. It has a special significance in regard to 
her relationship with her children. The immediate demand for language 
study upon arrival and later the need to become involved in the work 
places considerable pressure on a missionary wife to take advantage of 
the 8-hour daily babysitting arrangements that can be made with an 
African nursemaid enabling her to devote more time to the work and 
consequently less to her children. The expectation of Luebo station 
and of the mission as a whole is that the wife would work full-time. 
This expectation which is constantly verbalized in informal ways is in 
contradiction to the stated policy of the Board of Viorld Missions, 
that the wife's first responsibility is to her Christian home which is 
to be her channel of witness. 

A tension often results between the missionary wife who puts 
career first and the one who follows the Board of World Missions' 
directive to emphasize the home. An illustration of this is found in 
the conversation between a career-oriented wife and a family-oriented 



120 

wife. The career wife, a veteran of 15 years in the Congo, asked 
the younger woman what kind of work she was doing. The younger wo- 
man's response that she was teaching school every day from 8 to 12 
o'clock was met by a shrug and the comment, "Oh, that little thing you 
do with the children!" The younger woman was involved in teaching 
her own and several other missionary children at home, but in the eyes 
of the senior missionary, the teaching of one's children was not to be 
equated with "the work" in which e\/ery adult missionary should be 
involved. 

The education of her own children at home for the first 3 pri- 
mary grades (plus kindergarten) was a heavy part of the young mission- 
ary wife's responsibility. It meant that during those years of her 
child's life, she would have little time to do anything else but 
teach her own children. The situation resulted from the fact that in 
the Congo, the primary schools were taught in Tshiluba, using the 
European educational system including the metric system. As the trans- 
fer from this type of education was felt to be too difficult for child- 
ren going back into the American educational system, the Board en- 
couraged mothers to teach their children at home using correspondence 
courses (cf. Par. M57, Appendix 1). 

This raised many problems in the conflict between career and 
home, and they were resolved in different ways. Most mothers resigned 
themselves to devoting the morning hours of from 8 to 12 to teaching 
their children at home. Many wives who were already engaged in busy 
schedules of nursing or teaching tried to fit their children's classes 
into their "free time" between 12 and 2 o'clock and after 4 o'clock. 



121 

The best resolution was usually a combination of effort on the 
part of a group of mothers, each of whom will teach one or two subjects 
to all the children, sometimes teaching five grade levels at once. 
This freed all of the mothers to do other types of missionary work 
for the rest of the day. 

When a mother was alone on a station, however, she was natur- 
ally forced to do all the teaching of her children herself. Many 
mothers had never taught before, and their concern to do a good job 
often magnified the tension between mother and child. It was difficult 
for her to be objective, and easy for the child to be rebellious. 
Sandra Jorgensen, in later years, expressed her feelings to Margaret 
Richard by saying, "All a mother expects of her own child is perfec- 
tion." Margaret faced a more serious problem herself with a dyslexic 
child that needed special help which a mother-teacher was unable to 
provide. This problem was later influential in the Richards' decision 
not to return to Congo after furlough. Educational needs of children 
cannot always be adequately met on the field. 

Another factor which affected the interaction of couples and 
their children v;as the presence of 2 or 3 African helpers in the house- 
holds. Being in the presence of Africans most of the day and at all 
3 meals meant that open arguments were always avoided. Unpleasantness 
in the household was a relative rarity. In addition to the presence 
of the household help there were frequent visitors, vendors and mendi- 
cants within earshot of the missionary couple. These features of 
station life forced couples to be on what would be considered "company 
manners" for extended periods of time. In the ideology of the mis- 



122 

sionary cormiunity, it was not just "company manners" that were called 
for, but it was the setting of a good example for the African helpers 
or visitor who might be present. The only period of real privacy was 
later in the evening after all of the cleaning up had been done after 
supper and all the helpers had left the household. Because of the 
danger of malarial infection from mosquitoes in the evening, the 
younger children were usually put to bed shortly after supper and be- 
fore nightfall, which was around 7:00 PM throughout the year. The 
private interaction of the family, then, was primarily between the 
husband and wife. Any older children past 9 years old were away at 
boarding school, the Central School for Missionary Children, at a 
station 100 miles southeast of Luebo. Considering the total scope of 
life for the missionary couple, the emphasis seemed to be definitely 
on the work. 

After a busy day missionary couples often got together through 
one of the informal networks and spent the evening in conversation 
and playing games. The conversation often centered around the work. 
The personal lives of the missionaries, and possible marital or per- 
sonal problems, were never discussed. The private lives of the mis- 
sionaries were kept private. Whatever went on between the couples in 
their few hours of privacy was kept carefully guarded. The overriding 
factor in this closed personal life style was the ever-present expec- 
tation of the kind of life a missionary should lead. As one went 
about the daily tasks he or she was constantly reminded that the mis- 
sionary role involved representing the best of "Christian behavior." 
This burden of proof which lay on the missionary did not permit the 



123 

expression or exposure of any domestic or marital difficulties or any 

overt expression of personal doubts or failures. 

Recreation 

The missionary usually worked until 5:00 or 5:30 PM. and then 
sought to relax before, during and after supper. The various kinds of 
recreational activities that were engaged in usually took place at this 
time after the day's work was finished. 

In earlier years at Luebo late afternoon tennis was very popu- 
lar. Tennis courts were constructed in the open section of the lower 
front of the station. These courts, having deteriorated from lack of 
use in more recent years, were being restored by Bert Richards. He 
was, however, the only really enthusiastic tennis buff on the station. 
His concern was that the missionaries take advantage of this means to 
get some physical exercise. Richards constantly had a new scheme for 
work or play. He tended to over-promote these ideas among his mission- 
ary colleagues, and as a result participation at tennis was still yery 
limited. Tennis did have the advantage of being popular with the 
Belgian administrative and commercial personnel and was an avenue of 
contact with them on something other than a business level. Having 
non-business relationships with the Belgians had not been something 
that the mission especially encouraged. In the light of this tradi- 
tion, Bert Richards' plan to increase these relationships through 
tennis was looked upon as another of his questionable innovations. 

Through the years a number of men at Luebo had become renowned 
for their hunting and fishing. Henry Ward was one of the most dedi- 
cated fishermen of the APCM. It was partly to permit early afternoon 



124 

fishing trips on the nearby rivers that he organized the work at the 
press to run from 6:00 AM until 3:00 PM, Travel on the rivers in a 
dugout canoe or motorboat and finding one's way through the riverside 
forest required certain skills and involved some danger. Because of 
this fishing and hunting were never general forms of recreation. For 
Ward, after 30 years experience in the out-of-doors in the Kasayi, it 
remained his preferred diversion. 

Another of the recreational activities which involved a limited 
and select group of the missionaries was "Bridge" playing. The Norris- 
es, the McDonalds and the 2 single women, May Melton and Loucile 
Fisher, were the regular Bridge players. This group played frequently 
in the evenings, and this pattern of recreation had established a net- 
work of communication between them that was reflected in other aspects 
of station life. The educational McDonalds, for instance, let it be 
known that they, too, felt that Dr. Norris had been wronged by the 
action of the evangelistic committee regarding the new Volkswagen bus. 

The one form of recreation in which everyone on the station 
participated was inviting 1 or 2 of the other couples or single people 
for an evening meal and "visit." Although everyone v/as in relatively 
close contact with each other all the time, this was one of the most 
common types of gathering on the station. It v/as on these occasions 
that the particular skills of the respective cooks were usually demon- 
strated and acclaimed. It was a custom to go out to the kitchen and 
thank the cook for the meal, even in cases when the main dish was ob- 
viously prepared by the missionary wife herself. Inviting people to 
supper was a tradition and a social obligation at APCM-Luebo. It was 



125 



assumed that no one would be left out and that reciprocity would be 
fulfilled by returning invitations within a few months. The usual 
practice was to invite at least 4 guests. This tended to provide the 
occasion for a relatively elaborate meal. It also definitely limited 
the intimacy of the occasion and increased the tendency for the con- 
versation to center around **tie work an<f station problems. When the 
group was large there was a definite tendency for the men to group 
together after the meal and discuss some "masculine" subject such as 
the diesel-electric plant, vehicles or building construction. When 
this happened, the women usually fell into conversation about the 
children's schooling, patterns for making dresses or food orders. As 
the station electricity was regularly cut off at 10:30 PM, the guests 
usually looked around for their flashlights, which were always carried 
after dark, a few minutes before this time, and excused themselves, 
thanking the hosts for a wonderful evening. 

The generational system was operative in the patterns of in- 
vitation to these evening visits. If two or more couples were invited 
they were almost invariably from the same longevity grade. That is, • 
the "new" missionaries on the station were always invited at the same 
time as the youngest of the "young" missionaries. Preferred linkages 
were assumed by the majority of the members of the station. The 
Jorgensens and the Richards had been invited together on so many oc- 
casions that it had become a subject of comment and joking between the 
2 couples. This type of entertaining very rarely included non-mis- 
sionary Europeans and never African station workers or friends. 

The above-mentioned patterns of evening meal exchanging was a 



126 

mission station tradition, especially strong at Luebo where it dated 
back at least as far as 1892 and the arrival of the first missionary 
couples. By 1959, some of the "young" and "new" missionaries were 
breaking the hallowed and accepted patterns of recreation and more 
frequently looked off the station for their evening's distraction. 
There was a modest European "club" at the town of Luebo across the 
river. Movies were shown there each Friday night. Once a month a 
dance was held at the Cercle as the club was called. Participation at 
these events by the missionaries was by no means regular but over an 
18-month period from 1 to 3 couples had been to 6 films and had at- 
tended 2 dances. The reaction of the older missionaries to this type 
of socializing was mixed. They acknowledged that it was good to "get 
off the station" from time to time, but they also felt deeply the im- 
portance of the missionaries having a certain social distance from the 
colonial personnel. Traditionally, the missionaries were always more 
fluent in Tshiluba than in French. They felt that their separation from 
the Belgians aided them in their contacts with the Africans. Besides 
these considerations, many older missionaries questioned whether or 
not movies and modern ballroom dancing were really "the thing" for 
missionaries. The barmen and waiters at the Cercle might perhaps have 
been church members or certainly were in contact with the church lead- 
ers, cooks, and helpers of the missionaries. "Would this activity af- 
fect the 'witness' of the missionaries?" That was always the crucial 
question. 



127 



PLATE 




. , ^^^ "i 

a. Outdoor tea at APCM-Luebo. (LIFE Magazine, July 11, 1960.) 




b. Missionary picnic on island in Lulua Rivei 



128 

Religion 

It is interesting to attempt to analyse the religious inter- 
action and activity of a specifically religious community such as 
APCM-Luebo. So much was assumed by the participants about the personal 
religion of the missionary staff. They had all gone through a long 
screening process by the candidate committee of the Board of World 
Missions in the United States. It was more or less taken for granted 
by the missionary group that all of its members had a strong faith, 
understood what he or she believed and was guided by these convictions 
in all of his or her daily behavior. 

In the interaction between missionaries, great respect was 
given to the privacy of personal religion. The combined effect of 
the above-mentioned assumptions of spirituality and the realization 
that in the final analysis each missionary must "make it" on his own 
was to severely limit the discussion of their own personal religion by 
the missionaries. Three other factors worked together to generally 
limit the use of an overly "pietistic" jargon by the APCM community 
members. First, the theological and cultural tradition of the Southern 
Presbyterian from the United States; second, the intensity and matter- 
of-factness of the work being performed; and, third, the level of 
psychological tension maintained in relationships between other mis- 
sionaries and Africans, all tended to make the APCMers "plain talking 
folk with their feet on the ground." 

Participation in the African worship services was expected of 
the missionaries. Many attended the main 9:30 AM Sunday service at 
the large church on the station. Others preferred to worship at one 



129 



of the 3 smaller churches out in the large village that surrounds Luebo 
station. Still others managed to take short trips out into the vil- 
lages where they were usually asked to preach in the place of the local 
evangelist. Ward, the dedicated fisherman, had a particular village 
of riverine Africans, located about 1 hour dov/nstream by his motorboat, 
which he visited regularly on Sundays. The clergymen were usually 
off the station preaching, but the majority of station members attended 
church on the station. These Sunday morning services were led by 
African pastors, and it was only occasionally that the missionaries 
were asked to preach on the station. 

The starting times of this service on Sunday morning in Tshiluba 
and that of the exclusively missionary-attended 5:00 English worship 
service on Sunday evenings, as well as the 7:30 prayer meeting for 
missionaries on Wednesday evening had apparently been stable through- 
out the history of the mission. Verner cites these times for the 
same meetings as standard in the pioneer days (1896). One service 
which was not obligatory for the missionaries, but which many attended, 
was the early morning "opening of the day" prayer service at 6:00 AM. 
This was held for all the workers in the schools, hospital and press. 
The missionaries who attended it usually went home for breakfast after- 
wards before beginning the work day. 
Related Events 

Besides the regular Sunday worship services and the regular 
monthly business meetings of the station there were a number of pat- 
terned activities in which all of the missionaries on the station 
usually participated. These quasi-ritual activities tended to bind 



130 



the small group together and to remind each of the members that he or 
she had a constant responsibility to the will of the group as a whole. 

The circular vote . There were often occasions when a matter 
must be decided by the station between the regular monthly meetings. 
In such an event the station secretary sent around a clipboard contain- 
ing the particular action to be voted upon and the names of all the 
members of the station. Each member was expected to record his or her 
vote on this ballot and write any comments which they might have. The 
clipboard was carried around by the African sentry of the secretary 
or the chairman. The action was always written in English, and it was 
assumed that this method of voting preserved the same level of confi- 
dentiality as did the regular station meetings which were restricted 
in attendance to the missionaries. 

Checking out . A related event was spelled out in the regula- 
tion that before anyone left the station for an extended trip, they 
were expected to receive "station permission" by a circular vote. The 
formal rationale for this regulation was that the station had the 
responsibility for the work of all of the missionaries in residence 
and should be aware of any prolonged absence, whether for work in the 
rural villages or other reasons. The usual evangelistic itineration 
trip ran for 2 or 3 weeks, and the absence of a missionary for this 
length of time might well affect the planning and program of one of 
the other departments. The informal, "real" rationale involved the 
need to send shopping lists with whomever might be leaving the station, 
either just to cross the river to the town of Luebo, or to travel 
north to Mweka or east to Luluabourg. For a person to leave on a trip 



131 



without first checking in with all^of the households was considered 
the height of inconsideration. It was by means of these various trips 
into town that supplies of fresh meat, cheese, vegetables, hardware 
and cloth were brought to Luebo. To neglect to perform this quasi- 
ritual of getting station permission before going on a trip was to 
be reminded by perhaps as many as 20 people frustrated by the over- 
sight that "there is a station rule on the books..." 

The station supper . The tradition of a communal meal for the 
whole station was known as a "station supper." To this special meal, 
which was held at least once a month, each household contributed 2 or 
3 dishes adequate for 6 to 8 persons, as well as a beverage. The 
suppers were usually held on the lawn of one of the missionary homes. 
This meal was a social occasion for the whole station, and was a di- 
rect carry-over from the American Presbyterian Church tradition of the 
"Family Night Supper" where everyone brings a dish or two and takes 
"pot luck." 

At APCM-Luebo, the station supper, an exclusively missionary 
affair, was an occasion which exceeded the private supper parties for 
the production of culinary masterpieces. There were always the old 
favorite specialties and new creations attractively displayed. The 
station supper functioned as a special form of recreation and the oc- 
casional visitor who might be the guest of honor was often slightly 
misled as to the normal lifestyle of the missionary. When a visitor 
from the United States was present, all of the very best was brought 
out for the station supper. The comment of the visitor was usually, 
"And I thought all the time that you people were suffering hardships 



132 

out here!" The hardships that did exist did not include the inability 
to spread an occasional feast. 

The outdoor tea . All of the special events of the APCM-Luebo 
described up to this point concern the missionaries exclusively. The 
station tea was the one social occasion where the whole station partici- 
pated with the African leaders and workers. It was used v/henever the 
occasion arose that a reception vias called for. The presence of an 
important African church dignitary, a visitor from America or Europe, 
or the meeting of one of the church judiciaries at Luebo would be marked 
by a tea. 

The last tea before independence was held in honor of the 
presence of 3 American and European journalists covering the pre-inde- 
pendence events in the Kasayi (cf. Life magazine, July 11, 1960). 
The teas were always held out-of-doors on one of the missionary lawns. 
The menu was reception type "finger food" with coffee, tea or fruit 
punch as beverage. The African leadership of the area were invited 
and usually included a group of pastors and elders of the local 
churches, the top medical assistants, a group of teachers from the pri- 
mary school and some of the technicians from the press. The teas were 
held at 4:00 PM and usually lasted approximately 1-1/2 hours. The 
station tea was the sole occasion for formal missionary-initiated 
socializing which involved Africans (cf. Plate 8a). 

Eating around . When there were new missionaries on the sta- 
tion who had not yet set up their households or when there were 
visitors present, the usual procedure for feeding them was that they 
"eat around." This involved the visiting family or group rotating 



133 



from missionary household to household, meal by meal, throughout the 
time of their visit. If the visit was to be an extended one, arrange- . 
ments were made to "rotate by the day," thus taking all three meals at 
the same household and moving from house to house each day. These often 
quite complex arrangements were worked out and supervised by the "guest 
chairman," who was always one of the women of the station. Eating 
around was a firm tradition at APCM-Luebo. If a couple had specific- 
ally invited a missionary friend to spend a few days with them at 
Luebo, special arrangements had to be made with the guest chairman to 
enable the host couple to entertain the guest for all meals at their 
home. Although such a guest was designated as a "personal guest" of, 
for instance, the Jorgensens, there was a certain amount of resentment 
generated if the guest was not "shared" with the rest of the mission- 
ary households for at least one meal around. The entertainment of 
guests was obviously an important element in the missionary pattern 
for meeting social needs. 

The Informal Structure 

As was mentioned earlier, it is well-known by anthropologists 
that there are always at least 2 structural systems functioning in any 
society. This phenomenon was observed at APCM-Luebo and throughout 
the larger mission system. There was a constant need to move infor- 
mation requests and decisions up and down the formal organizational 
structure outlined above. The participant observer soon realized 
that there were informal groupings and channels which were often more 
active and more certain avenues than the formal ones. 

It is through the observation of the events v/hich took place 



134 

on the mission station and the patterns of interaction of the mission- 
aries that the "informal" structure was revealed. It was at APCM-Luebo 
and various committee meetings of the Mission as a whole that the par- 
ticipant observer saw how decisions were "really" made. He saw who 
it was that initiated actions, and who was submissive to whom and 
under what circumstances. The analysis of the patterns of interaction 
described in the earlier portion of this chapter provides insight into 
informal structural units in the missionary community. A number of 
these units are described in the following sections. 
In-groups and Cliques 

There were among the twenty missionaries at APCM-Luebo definite 
groupings which could be classified as cliques. The classifications 
of the various divisions among the small group of missionaries is 
difficult because of the many areas of overlap. One area exclusive 
of the classifications that follow is recreational cliques. Two 
couples and 2 single ladies were avid bridge players, and these 6 con- 
stituted a clique that spent many evenings together. The single 
women missionaries (3 at Luebo) tended to form a group and present a 
united defense against any possible discrimination based upon marital 
status. 
Longevity Grades 

Perhaps a much more readily observed grouping in the informal 
structure are the "longevity grades." In terms of years of service, 
there were at Luebo 4 groupings: (1) full career missionaries: 2 
couples completing 40 years or more on the field, the Woodstocks and 
Mitchells; (2) mid-career missionaries: 2 couples and a single 



135 

woman completing 30 years on the field, the Morgans, Wards and 
Carolyn Westbrook; (3) young missionaries: 3 couples and 2 single 
women having completed around 10 years on the field, the McDonalds, 
Norrises, Richards, Lucille Fisher and May Melton; and (4) new mis- 
sionaries, those having their first term (3 years) of service, 1 couple, 
the writer and his wife (Jorgensens) . These age groupings manifest a 
"generational" effect. 

To begin with the youngest, the "New Missionary" was related to 
as one to be taught. He or she needed to be socialized into the mis- 
sionary culture. It was assumed that training would take time and 
that patience was needed on the part of the elders. Expressed or im- 
plied criticism from the new missionary was usually overlooked or dis- 
missed with a "You'll see after you've more experience" type response. 
The young missionaries tended to relate to the new missionaries as 
older siblings, taking part in the training, but also providing a 
sympathetic ear. They had already gone through their initiation but 
it had not been so long ago that they did not empathize with the new 
missionaries. The sternest group were the mid-career missionaries. 
They assumed a definite parental role. Their advice was clear and 
definite. It was usually given in a "formal" mode. "This is the best 
way to do it; believe me, I know." This group was the active trans- 
mitter of the missionary culture. 

The full career missionary related to the new missionary in a 
sense as a grandparent. He was not so sure of all of the policies. 
He had developed most of them during a time span of 40 years or 
longer, and times had changed. They had changed so much that the 



136 



full term missionary really didn't feel at home anymore. He talked 
of the pioneer days of hammock travel and mud-and-stick houses. He 
charged the new and young missionaries that it would be the younger 
people who would have to facilitate change for the new day. The full 
term missionary was wise and gentle, seemingly a generation removed 
from all of the current policy battles over money, personnel and 
church-mission relations. 
Kinship Networks 

Another element in the informal structure of APCM-Luebo and 
the mission as a whole were the kinship networks. In the period 
1945-51, a major change occurred in that 15% of the new missionaries 
had been born in Africa of missionary parents. Other children of 
missionaries born in the United States returned to the field under 
appointment by the Board of World Missions. 

There were a number of two generational missionary families 
on the APCM. At Luebo there was 1 couple whose daughter and her hus- 
band were present as missionaries on the same station; the Mitchell's 
daughter was Mrs. Richards. Two of the wives on the station are sisters 
Mrs. Morgan and Mrs. Woodstock, which created a special bond between 
these households. However, not all of the kinship was real. Fictive 
kinship was also present. One couple and a single woman, the Norrises 
and Carolyn Westbrook, had both served in China previously. This 
tended to tie them together, although at times intradepartment diffi- 
culties overshadowed this fictive kinship bond. 

The feeling of the station as a family was fostered by lang- 
uage and attitude. The adult missionaries generally took a special 



137 



interest in the children of the other missionaries. Part of the 
strength of the "missionary family" feeling was generated by the 
custom of having the missionary children use the terms of "Uncle" and 
"Aunt" as terms of reference and address for the adult missionaries. 
The missionary child knew all the missionary adults as Uncle or Aunt, 
attaching the adult's first name to the kinship term. This practice 
of fictive kinship reached up into the longevity grades, and it was 
conmon for "new" or "young" missionaries to address a full term mis- 
sionary as, for instance, "Uncle Jimmy" or "Aunt Elizabeth" Mitchell. 
This practice was never used by new or young missionaries in reference 
to mid-career missionaries. With them, as among the two "younger" 
groups, the first names were used for reference and address. 
Professional Groups 

A fourth type of grouping which has significance in the infor- 
mal structure is the various professional networks. These will here 
be referred to as "co-lingual" groups after Victor Yngve (1973:14). 
Much of the in-groupness of these networks depended upon an individual's 
competence in a particular professional jargon. Here the clergyman 
was at a slight disadvantage because whereas the educators, the arti- 
sans, and especially the medical people all have their special jargon, 
they all share, by virtue of being themselves missionaries, the theo- 
logical jargon of the clergyman. Of course, the clergy could converse 
on a more technical level, calling upon their more extensive theologi- 
cal education, but there was still a sense of disadvantage. Even the 
"devotional talks," a variety of sermon at the station meetings, was 
a responsibility divided equally among all the station personnel. All 



138 



shared in the clergyman's specialty, but he was never quite at home 
with the language of the others' specialties, except in certain cases 
in the educational work. In the station meetings and at Mission Meet- 
ing, voting patterns were usually along these co-lingual lines. The 
available resources in personnel and money were always limited, the 
competition often keen, and the debate heated. 

It is through these various informal groups and linkages that 
many of the desired decisions were channeled to emerge finally at a 
station meeting or the annual Mission Meeting as a majority vote. 
Uncle Jimmy, the full career missionary and "natural" anthropologist, 
pointed out the existence and function of these groups as he discussed 
what he called "mission politics." Over 40 years on the APCM had 
taught him a great deal about human interaction. 



CHAPTER 7 
THE CRISIS OF INDEPENDENCE 

Thus we see APCM-Luebo functioning in 1959-1960 as one of many 
mission stations in the Congo. By that period 44 Protestant missionary 
organizations were scattered through the colony, each working along 
more or less the same lines with a developing African church (Viharton 
1952:174). Through a comity agreement in the early years, each de- 
nominational mission had an exclusive opportunity to develop its type 
of church in its region. This arrangement had produced a situation in 
which Protestant Africans from the Lower Congo were Baptist; from 
the Kasayi, Presbyterian; from Katanga, Methodist, and so on. Of 
course, in each region there are extensive Roman Catholic mission 
developments (cf. Figure 2) which have produced many adherents among 
the indigenous population. 

The various branches of the Protestant church throughout the 
colony were loosely and figuratively united through the Congo Protes- 
tant Council into L'Eglise du Christ au Congo . In 1959 this union was 
more an expression of the ecumenical aspirations of the missionary-led 
Congo Protestant Council than an expression of any functional or 
structural integration. As has been suggested above, the African 
church in each area tended to be patterned after and dependent upon 
the particular missionary organization which had brought it into being. 

As we have seen, the African church in the Kasayi was basically 
Presbyterian in form. It claimed over 133,000 members who met in 

139 



140 

1,811 places of worship throughout the Kasayi (AR 1959:37). All of 
these African Christians and especially the elements of leadership 
within the church were to be affected by the events surrounding nation- 
al independence, as we shall see in a latter section of this chapter. 

From 1956 to 1958 the Belgian colonial leadership was talking 
about eventual political independence for the colony after perhaps 
20 years. The general missionary outlook, however, was "business as 
usual" and business was booming (cf. Tables 3 through 5 for dollar 
input and personnel increases). 

Social and Political Change 

Following World VJar II there was a constantly increasing 
climate of change in the Congo. Many Nationals had served in other 
countries during the war. More and more Africans were visiting Europe 
and the United States through the 1950's. Other African colonies 
were moving rapidly toward independence. The economic and industrial 
development of the Congo during these years was increasing steadily. 
Urbanization became a reality during this period, especially in the 
Kasayi region with the development of industry and trade in the centers 
of Luluabourg, Bakwanga and Tshikapa and numbers of smaller trading 
centers. 

The groups of missionaries which we have designated "young" 
and "new," that is, all those appointed since 1941, brought with them 
to the mission field ideological and politico-religious formulations 
which, unlike the older missionaries, tended to question colonialism. 

These formulations were innovations in relation to the 
general acceptance of the colonial principle by the Mission (cf. page 



141 

104 above). There was much in the operation of the Mission and the 
behavior of the missionaries that to many among the young and new 
appeared in need of change. 

The continuation of the old patterns of having servants had 
already been questioned or was being questioned by the new missionaries 
The paternalistic relationship between the Mission and the African 
church was challenged. The question of the frequency of Africans 
being invited to missionary homes in the constant flow of missionary 
entertainment was being raised. Missionaries having a special school 
for their children and having special worship services in English both 
were under criticism by young and/or new missionaries. 

These sentiments for change also existed among the articulate 
African leadership of the church and the various institutions related 
to the Mission. 

In spite of concern for needed change on the part of the 
newer missionaries, change seemed to be slow in coming within the 
Mission. The patterns generated through the colonial years hung on 
tenaciously. The older missionaries usually resisted decisions to 
initiate change and they occupied many key positions in the formal 
structure of the Mission. 

In retrospect it seems clear that change was overdue, but at 
the time little important policy change or planned innovation in the 
missionary operation was taking place. It was the "shake-up" of the 
events described below which precipitated rapid and far-reaching 
changes in the missionary method and organization. 



Tribal Conflict 

During 1957, as the imminent arrival of Independence became 
clear, tribal enmity, which had been dormant through most of the 
colonial years, broke out in open conflict. This was especially the 
case in the Kasayi. In this region the Luba people, traditionally 
not the predominant group, had, through the colonial years, attached 
themselves to the Europeans and gained vocational and social ascend- 
ency over the Lulua, Kuba, Luntu, Kanyoka and other tribes. By 1959 
Luba men held positions of leadership in almost ewery modern enter- 
prise in the Kasayi province. At APCM-Luebo 75% of the primary school 
teachers were Luba, the top 15 of the 21 medical workers were Luba, 
and many of the skilled Press workers were Luba. This was typical of 
mission, government and commercial employers throughout the region. 

The district in which Luebo is located was traditionally 
Lulua territory, and since the Luba were immigrants, conflict was 
inevitable. "Will we be receiving independence?" the Lulua asked. 
"Will not the Luba replace the Belgian as our masters?" they argued. 
The logical solution to this predicament is to chase all of the Luba 
back to their homelands to the east. 

At Luebo open fighting broke out on May 20, 1960. This came 
after weeks of constant rumors and excited conversation insisting 
that "tonight will be the night of the attack." On the 20th of May, 
1960, warriors from the Luba and Lulua sections of the Mission "town" 

142 



143 



proceeded to attack each other - across the Mission compound - and 
into each other's sections. 

The battle of Luebo lasted 2 hours from 10 until 12 noon, 
leaving 12 men killed and nearly 200 houses destroyed by fire (cf. 
Plate 9). Government soldiers arrived from the military camp across 
the river by about 1:00. They assisted in evacuating the whole section 
of Lulua across the river which was the government's short-term solu- 
tion. This type of conflict was typical of the region along the main 
road from Luebo to Luluabourg during May of 1960. 

During the fighting at APCM-Luebo, the missionaries found 
clearly that they were no longer in a position to initiate action (or 
terminate action) among the indigenous population. As armed bands of 
youthful "warriors" crossed the station grounds, they told the pro- 
testing missionary men, "This is our affair. You keep out of it and 
you will come to no harm." War fetishes were everywhere in evidence 
and the general reaction raised the question momentarily in missionary 
minds of the value of their 68-year effort there. 

The time from January 1959 to June 1960 was one of intense 
political activity in Kinshasa and Brussels. June 30, 1960 was 
finally set as the last day of colonial rule. 

Independence Day 

Independence Day was the occasion of much celebration at 
Luebo. The tribal conflict subsided as the enthusiasm for depanda , 
as it transliterated in Tshiluba, approached. Missionaries were 
interviewed at Luebo by Time/Life and CBS reporters and photographers. 
Their tone was optimistic. Lead captions in the published article 



144 



PLATE 9 




a. Lulua refugees around church at APCM-Luebo 




b. Burned houses after tribal fighting at APCM-Luebo. 



145 

( Life , July 11, 1960) read "Christians who refuse to run." At the 
time of the publication of the article, the missionaries were, in fact, 
evacuating from the entire Mission, but optimism was present before 
actual independence. 

Independence Day at Luebo was marked by a bicycle race, 
special church services, a special meeting for the Europeans and 
African community leaders. At this meeting, politicians assured the 
foreigners of calm; church choirs sang, and a Jazz group and dancers 
performed. 

Evacuation 

Independence Day, June 30, was a Thursday. The weekend was 
one of calm relief after the peaceful celebration. Early the follow- 
ing week, however, word began arriving in Luebo of the military mutiny 
taking place in the Lower Congo. By Friday and Saturday the local 
garrison of troops across the river was reported out of control. 
Saturday there was some civilian and military looting of the Belgian 
and Portuguese stores at the town of Luebo and near the mission. 
Missionaries watched from the station as tin roofs were torn off the 
stores and carried into the village piece by piece. On Sunday morn- 
ing, the Mission, having been in near constant radio communication 
with all stations through the past few days, decided to evacuate its 
personnel at least to the stations which were in relative calm and 
had the best air field facilities. Couples with small children and 
single women were evacuated Sunday from Luebo to Bulape in the north. 
Monday and Tuesday, as the situation deteriorated in all parts of the 
Congo, all the missionaries, 161 adults and 107 children, were 



146 

eventually evacuated unharmed to Salisbury, Rhodesia. 

The protracted event of the missionary evacuation from APCM- 
Luebo and the entire Kasayi marked the end of the missionary community 
and culture, which had existed since 1891 at APCM-Luebo. None of the 
former American workers at Luebo station ever returned there for 
residence. The hospital was reduced to a dispensary and the adminis- 
tration of the press and schools were taken over by the African church. 

The dispersion of the missionary population destroyed the 
patterns developed through the years at APCM-Luebo. Although other 
missionaries returned to Luebo eventually, on a resident basis, the 
entire cultural system as it has been described was changed. The 
changes in the formal structure of the Mission and church will be 
described below in Chapter 8. It is important to note here that it 
was especially the informal structures that were radically changed by 
the evacuation of missionary personnel, and the resulting disintegra- 
tion of the missionary community. Such quasi -ritualistic events as 
"checking out," the "station supper," and the "outdoor tea" had, 
seemingly overnight, become relics of the past. 
Reoccupation and Change 

After a 4-week stay in Rhodesia, teams of male missionaries 
returned to the Kasayi and began to do what they could to keep es- 
sential functions of the Mission going. Medical doctors were top 
priority. The all -male teams worked for the month of August and by 
September a few wives returned to the calmer spots. Many husbands 
remained alone the entire year while their wives and families pro- 
ceeded to the United States. By 1962 conditions permitted entire 



147 

families to return and the missionary personnel on the field numbered 
130. 

The Death of the Mission 

The figure cited earlier from misiological circles for a 
Mission was that of an elaborate scaffolding within which the indigen- 
ous church should rise. When the church reached a certain degree of 
completion, the scaffolding was to be torn away. The problem for the 
missionary and especially for the missionary group was in determining 
if the pull-back point had indeed arrived. 

The APCM survived independence, evacuation and re-entry to 
the Kasayi. The African church, however, was not immune to independ- 
ence "fever" and began to question more and more the presence of this 
very powerful (from their point of view) organization that surrounded 
them. National independence brought new laws and the possibility for 
indigenous organizations to own real property. The Mission, at this 
point, announced the church's independence and deeded over all of the 
specifically church property to the Presbyterian Church in Zaire. 
This involved church buildings and ministers' homes. 

Much remained, however, in the Mission's hands: all the 
stations with their residences, buildings, institutions, such as 
schools and hospitals. Many missionaries felt that "the church isn't 
ready for all of this administrative load." They should just "be the 
church" and "let us help with these specialized functions." 

As the discussion continued through 1960, 1961 and 1962, the 
Tshiluba expression " Mission afue ," (Let the Mission die!) was heard 
more and more frequently from African leaders. The expression was not 



148 

a personal menace to the missionaries but a firm statement that the 
APCM as an organization had outlived its time and that the African 
church which it spawned was able and ready to take over all of its 
functions. 

These kinds of radical changes were beyond the decision-making 
capacity of the Mission and it sought to involve its parent body, the 
Board of V/orld Missons. Many questions arose. Could the APCM legally 
give away all its property? Could or would American missionaries work 
under the complete direction of the Zaire church witii no direct appeal 
channel through the Mission to the Board of Work) flissions? Could 
the church be entrusted with large sums of institutional funds? 
These were the kinds of questions which v/ere in the missionaries' 
minds, many of them questions which could not be asked aloud. 

A first plan was developed whereby the Mission would continue 
to function in partnership with the church dividing the responsibili- 
ties 3 ways: some responsibilities held by the Mission alone, some 
held by the church alone, and most through joint boards and committees. 
This plan, although popular with the missionaries, was never completely 
implemented. The call Mission a fuo! persisted. In Chapter 8 we will 
deal specifically with the formal and informal changes which followed 
the evacuation event. 



CHAPTER 8 
THE DEVOLUTION OF THE MISSION: AN ANALYSIS OF CHANGE 

The disruptive events of 1959 and 1960 created a situation 
which Margaret Mead (1964) has called a "point of divergence" in the 
systemic processes. This is a point at which an individual is presented 
with a chance to change his pattern of resource allocation in the hope 
of greater benefit (quoted in Bee 1974:208). The evacuation of the 
American missionaries from APCM-Luebo created such a situation for the 
African church leaders. They siezed the initiative which had always 
rested with the missionaries. The actual changes which took place and 
their meaning for the remaining missionary community will be discussed 
below. 

Changes in the Formal Structure 

After the evacuation of the missionaries in 1960, nothing 
ever went back to "normal" for the missionary community and culture. 
Luebo was never again staffed as a major station. The African church 
leaders took charge of all aspects of the station activity and managed 
as best they could during the first year of Independence with sporadic 
visits from teams made up of 3 or 4 of the few male missionaries who 
had returned to the area 2 months after the crisis. 

As calm was restored and missionary families were able to re- 
turn, it became obvious that formal changes in structure were inevit- 
able. The realization by the missionaries that they had all, through 
force of circumstance, left the mission work completely on one day's 

149 



150 

notice was a disturbing one. No one really knew at what moment 
similar circumstances might again arise. Missionary dispensability 
had become a real possibility which had to be considered. Besides the 
missionary being unsettled about his future, the African church in- 
creasingly demanded more and more authority and control in the church- 
mission combinational activity. 

During 1961 and 1962 elaborate plans were worked out by joint 
committees of the APCM and the Presbyterian Church in the Congo for the 
integration of the Mission structure and functions into the church 
organization. First attempts in this direction left such elements as 
medical work, missionary work assignment ("placement"), and the tech- 
nical units of Mission air transportation and radio communication in 
the control of the Mission. It suggested giving the church certain 
properties, such as a limited number of residences on each station for 
pastors and other African personnel, and all school buildings up to 
the secondary level. This plan was rejected by the church. 

The final changes involved the deeding over to the African 
church all of the Mission property in Zaire. The 2 Mission aircraft 
were leased to the Missionary Aviation Fellowship, a professional 
flying organization which contracts to serve missions and church organ- 
izations round the world. 

The General Assembly of the African church became the annual 
assemblage v^hich performed all the functions formerly handled by the 
Mission Meeting. The African group determined work priorities, as- 
signed both African and American personnel, made budget requests for 
funds from the Board of World Missions, determined budget allocations 



151 

for the entire work in the Kasayi, assigned church-owned (formerly 
Mission-owned) vehicles to various Presbyteries and stations, requested 
new missionaries from America, and voted on the acceptability of the 
return of each missionary who was currently going on furlough to the 
United States. 

The missionaries continued to assemble in an annual meeting, 
but its nature changed from the all -important Mission Meeting to a 
"spiritual" retreat and inspirational type conference. 

Station meetings no longer existed in the traditional sense. 
The local church leadership at Luebo, for instance, made all major 
decisions while whatever missionaries present attempted to advise 
wherever possible and accommodate themselves to the decisions when they 
were made. 

It will be recalled that when the post-independence evacuation 
took place the missionaries received repeated assurances of the good 
will of the African church people. The animosity which was widespread 
among the population was claimed to be directed solely against the 
Belgian colonists. An analysis of the subsequent events and the 
changes in church-mission relationships leads one to agree with 
Welbourn (1971:311) when he says, "In effect, it is impossible to 
isolate 'missionaries' and 'white men;' and any attempt to do so must 
involve an abstraction so ideal as to have little touch with African 
reality." 

Changes in the Informal Structure 

Perhaps the most significant changes in this period from the 
missionary point of view were changes in the informal structure. The 



152 

systern had been shattered by the crisis of evacuation and the early 
years of independence. The cliques, kinship networks and professional 
groupings left the scene with the individuals who had made them up. 
The quasi-ritual events of one year before, as was noted above, sudden- 
ly became as quaintly anachronistic as travel by hammock-bearers or 
killing hippopotami for food. 

Mission personnel v/ere reduced and assignment followed 
strategies of emphasizing schools to develop the African cadres . In 
the constant flux, new groupings were forming continually, but their 
function was now the mutual reinforcement of the missionaries trying 
to cope with radically changed structures. Longevity grades were dis- 
disrupted as the vast majority of the older missionaries never returned 
after evacuation. From 1960 to 1965 many missionary couples from all 
longevity groups resigned because "the Mission was just not the same 
anymore." 

Many missionaries attempted for a number of years to fit into 
the new patterns, bat most often their complaint was that they now felt 
powerless to act out what they considered to be their "calling from 
God." This theological expression slightly masked the reality of what 
had taken place. In the new situation, the missionary was no longer 
in a position to initiate action. He must respond to the initiation 
of the African with whom he was working. The missionary complaint, "I 
was named last, as an afterthought, to that church committee going to 
check on the church in Mweka, because I have a car that runs," typified 
the new position of the subordinance of the missionary. 

The frame of mind of the missionary remaining on the field 



153 



after evacuation has been characterized by frustration, uncertainty, 
pessimism, and, in the best moments, a determination to work in what- 
ever way for as long^ as possible. One no longer went out to the APCM. 
One no longer went to a missionary community and culture, well estab- 
lished, and prepared to provide a complex context which touches ewery 
aspect of life. This community and culture had disappeared. It dis- 
solved when the missionaries were scattered during the evacuation of 
1960. Since 1960 missionaries worked in the community and culture of 
the Presbyterian Church in Zaire. This was a yery different context 
from the former missionary one. It meant that being a missionary in 
the Kasayi now involved participating to a much greater degree in the 
community and culture of the African Christians specifically, and in 
the Zaire culture generally, than in former times. 

The fusion of the missionaries into this African culture in 
the period subsequent to 1960 had been found much more difficult than 
earlier integration into the missionary community and culture. Part 
of the difficulty related to the ways in which the African church 
leadership had responded to its new role in the complex system which 
the missionaries had developed. As Mbiti states (1969:221) 

Modern change has imported into Africa a future 
dimension of time. This is perhaps the most 
dynamic and dangerous discovery of African peo- 
ples in the 20th century. . .The speed of casting 
off the scales of traditional life is much 
greater than the speed of wearing the garments 
of this future dimension of life. The illusion 
lies in the fact that these two entirely dif- 
ferent processes are made to look identical. 

The post-independence events in the Kasayi, especially the 

evacuation of all Europeans including the APCM missionaries, marked the 



154 

end of an era both in missionary history and in the development of 
Africa. American missionaries continue to work with the Presbyterian 
Church in Zaire, but in fewer numbers and on a different basis than 
described in this study. Any general assessment of the impact of the 
APCM on the Kasayi region should perhaps reflect VJelbourn's (1971:310) 
view that "the European invasion of Africa would certainly have had 
different consequences - and from any humanitarian point of view they 
would probably have been less desirable consequences - if it had not 
included Christian missionaries along with settlers and administrators." 



CHAPTER 9 

INITIATION OF ACTION, IDEOLOGY AND UNPLANNED CHANGE: 

SOME THEORETICAL CONCLUSIONS 

It is the conclusion of this work (1) that there existed a 
specific missionary community and culture at APCM-Luebo and on the 
APCM as a whole; (2) that this conmunity and culture largely disap- 
peared after the events of the missionary evacuation and the gaining of 
independence of the church; and (3) that this disappearance of a com- 
munity and its culture was directly related to the 3 factors of the 
loss of potential for the initiation of action, the inadequate support 
of symbolic systems, and the loss of stability in the social environ- 
mental context. 

Anthropologists have stressed the importance of the "initiation 
of action" concept for the understanding of human organization and 
change (Chappie and Coon 1942 and Arensberg and Kimball 1965). This 
concept identifies, in any particular event, which parties in a human 
interaction are dominant and which are submissive. As a methodological 
tool its utility lies in the fact that, through the analysis of a 
series of particular events, structural patterns are revealed which 
often are hidden by the traditional formal structure as presented by the 
group under study. 

Through the years prior to 1960, the missionary had been in a 
position of dominance in respect to his or her African co-workers and 
servants. The missionary gave the orders and the African responded. 

155 



156 

The nature of this response is varied and complex, but the point is 
that it was the missionary who most often initiated the action. At 
Luebo, missionaries were directors of the Preacher's School and the 
Press, and they functioned as action executives in these institutions. 
Rev. Morgan greatly influenced the workings of Luebo Presbytery, both 
from his imported office chair beside the Mission safe in his office 
and from his large wicker chair placed at the front of the presbytery 
meeting room. Dr. Norris was "chief" at the hospital, and so on down 
the line. The missionary wife daily instructed her servants concerning 
the management of the household. The colonial context provided a 
broad range of interactions for the missionary in which he or she 
could initiate action. It was only in inter-missionary and domestic 
interactions that relationships were balanced with significant reci- 
procity (Bateson 1935). Wolcott's (1972:32) observation of mission- 
aries in West Africa is harsh but perhaps not altogether without 
validity if transposed to the pre-evacuation APCM: 

The missionaries with whom I came in con- 
contact adhered rigidly to a hierarchical struc- 
ture 1n both their personal and professional 
lives. Dominance and submission are built into 
their every relationship. They represent an 
example of male-dominant, patriarchically organ- 
ized society. If symbolically they consider 
themselves children of God, they are consider- 
ably more active in assuming a reciprocal role 
as Father among men. 

The possibility of maintaining this dominance by the intitiation of 
action is exactly what was destroyed by the shattering events of evac- 
uation and church independence. 

The symbolic system of the missionary prior to 1960 evolved 



157 

from the early rock-Fiard certainty of the need of the indigenous 
peoples for the "Gospel" and the inevitability and virtue of the 
colonial structure to the later social action-oriented theology and a 
politics (however theoretical) of liberation. The symbolic system of 
the younger missionaries reflected the American acknowledgment of the 
inevitability of change, but at the same time it failed to sustain him 
through the difficulties of changing roles. In the early years of the 
Mission the physical context was difficult and often dangerous, while 
the interpersonal context placed the missionary in a dominant and 
satisfying position. The ideology or "faith" carried the majority 
through this period. In post-1950 Kasayi the situation was reversed. 
Physical difficulties and changes had been overcome by technological 
advances, but the interpersonal context often left the missionary in 
a less than dominant position. In this situation many missionaries 
found the "call" to be in that place at that time less than crystal 
clear. In the flux of the events under consideration, symbolic system 
instability served to hasten the changes in the Mission perspective. 

All 3 factors of initiation of action potential, adequate 
symbolic system support and contextual stability are thus seen as es- 
sential to the maintenance of a particular community and culture. 

This description of the missionary community at APCM-Luebo 
has attempted to demonstrate the dynamics of interaction in a group 
and the ways in which this interaction relates to the formal and in- 
formal structures present. It demonstrates that human interaction once 
broken through serious disruptive events can be re-established only 
with the greatest difficulty, if at all. 



APPENDIX 1 

A HANDBOOK FOR MISSIONARY SERVICE OF THE BOARD OF WORLD MISSIONS 

PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH IN THE UNITED STATES 

Ml. Defi niton of a Missionary . All persons appointed by the 
Board to service in the foreign field, whether for regular service or 
for shorter terms of service, are called missionaries. 

M2. "In Service" Date . Missionaries of this Board are ordi- 
narily considered to be "in service" upon commissioning by the Board. 
Ordinarily, they proceed to the field shortly after they are formally 
comnissioned. Sometimes they may remain in the United States or re- 
side temporarily in another country for additional training, for 
language study and orientation, or for personal reasons acceptable to 
the Board. As of their effective "in service" date, all become 
missionaries of the Presbyterian Church in the United States, are 
under the responsibility and authority of the Board, and remain so 
until this relationship is terminated by the Board. 

M3. Acceptance of the Handbook for Missionary Service . The 
responsibilities of the Board to the missionary, and the missionary's 
responsibilities to the Board and to others to whom his appointment 
may relate him, are set forth in this "Handbook for Missionary Ser- 
vice." This Handbook is a part of the Bylaws of the Board of World 
Missions, and is a statement of mutual commitment between the Board 
and the missionary. 

M4. Marriage of Missionaries . If a missionary marries a 
person who is not a missionary under this Board, his/her relationship 
to this Board must come under immediate review by the Board. Since 
both husband and wife are regarded as missionaries by this Board, the 
missionary's continuance under appointment is contingent upon his/her 
spouse's seeking and receiving appointment to missionary service under 
this Board. 

M5. General Duties . All missionaries of this Board are sent 
to fulfill the total mission of the Church: "to witness to all men - 
'to every tribe and tongue and people and nation' - the Lordship of 
Christ and the good news of God's redemptive love in Christ; to per- 
suade them to become His disciples and responsible members of His 
Church, in which Christians of all lands share in evangelizing the 
world and permeating all of life with the Spirit and truth of Christ." 

M6. Particular Duties . The particular duties of mission- 
aries, whether ordained or unordained, shall be those indicated by 
the responsible field body. Where no organized church yet exists on 
the field, ordained missionaries are charged to preach the Gospel and 
to gather believers with a view to their becoming established as the 

158 



159 



Church, so instructed and organized as to assume its role as the body 
of Christ in that land. All missionaries, ordained and unordained, 
shall lend their respective contributions to the task of gathering 
believers or of building up the church in the land v/here they serve. 
Special care shall be taken by the missionary to encourage the develop- 
ment of indigenous leaderships, entrusting to national Christians, 
under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, positions of responsibility. 

M7. Acceptance of Assignments . In accepting appointment the 
missionary indicates his readiness to fulfill such duties as shall be 
assigned to him by the responsible field body within the scope of his 
particular training and capabilities. Ordinarily, the missionary 
will be assigned work for which he is professionally prepared and 
after due consultation. When a missionary so desires, his abilities 
permit, and the responsible field body concurs, or when the situation 
demands, the Board may agree to or require a change of work classifi- 
cation. The continuance of the missionary on the field is conditioned 
by the availability of work for which his training and experiences 
fit him. 

M8, General Qualifications of the Missionary Candidate . The 
general qualifications for overseas service are essentially the same 
as those which render a Christian useful and acceptable anywhere. 
These would include: 

(1) A personal relationship with God in Christ and a whole- 
hearted commitment to His service through the Church. 

(2) An understanding and acceptance of the essential Chris- 
tian convictions. 

(3) A dedication to a disciplined devotional life. 

(4) A well-rounded Christian character. 

(5) An active evangelistic spirit with the ability to com- 
municate one's faith by word and deed. 

(6) A deep concern for the needs of people and a sensitivity 
to the feelings of others. 

(7) The ability to appreciate and work in harmony with people 
of different racial, national and cultural backgrounds. 

(8) The particular place of missionary service may call for 
a high degree of adaptability and the ability to accept 
the dual role of leadership and servanthood. 

M9. Language Skills . Most types of missionary service re- 
quire the learning of a foreign language. Therefore, an aptness to 
learn another language is an important qualification. 

MIO. Health . Since the place of missionary service may be 
one of difficult situations and different climatic conditions and 
since adequate and total medical service may not always be immediately 
available, good physical and emotional health is required. Medical 
and psychiatric examinations are routine requirements for candidates. 



160 



Mil. Educati on an d Exper ience. Candidates for overseas ser- 
vice usually need as a minimum the same tr-aining that v;ould be re- 
quired for service in a similar work in the United States. A period 
of practical experience is usually required. Unordained candidates 
for Regular Missionary Service are ordinarily required to have a 
course of special study in Bible, theology and missions at some ap- 
proved shcool. Scholarship aid from the Board may be made available 
for this study. Financial aid for professional training is not 
ordinarily granted. 

(1) Ordained cr-issionaries should be graduates of approved 
theological seminaries. Pastoral experience is usually 
required. 

(2) Other church workers ^ men or women, should have training 
in a theological seminary or school of Christian educa- 
tion and some practical experience. 

(3) Educational missionaries should have appropriate educa- 
tional training and a recognized teaching credential. 
Teaching experience is usually required. Appointees to 
higher educational institutions should have advanced 
degrees. 

(4) Medical missionaries should be graduates of approved 
medical schools with regular degrees, with a year of 
internship end two years of hospital residency training. 
They should have successfully passed the National Board 
or a State Licensing Board examination. 

(5) Missionary nurses should be graduates of approved schools 
of nursing with at least one additional year of hospital 
service and a state license carrying the R.N. degree. 

(6) Missionaries appointed for other services such as agri- 
culturalists, radio specialists, industrial work, litera- 
ture and literacy workers and administrators shall have 
met the basic requirements in their particular fields. 

(7) Missionary wives share with their husbands in qualifica- 
tions and language study. It is recognized that their 
first obligation is to the home and this witness through 
the Christian family is their major missionary service. 
They may engage in other services as domestic duties 
permit. 

Ml 2. Ch urch Membership. 0)^dinarily, the Board will appoint 
as missionaries persons who are members of the Presbyterian Church, 
U.S. Candidates are expected not only to be in harmony with the doc- 
trinal and governmental standards of our church, but also in sympathy 
with the witness of our General Assembly regarding dispensationalism, 
social action, race relations and interdenominational cooperation. 

Ml 3. Application. The Board, with the solemn responsibility 
of selecting missionaries for overseas service for the church, makes 
a diligent effort to obtain full knowledge of the character, motives 
and qualifications of applicants. 



161 



(1) After preliminary correspondence with the Candidate De- 
partment, the applicant may be requested to complete a 
number of special forms supplied to him. When completed, 
these papers will supply information covering biographi- 
cal data, education and training, professional experience. 
Christian experience, doctrinal belief, social attitudes 
and motive for entering missionary service. 

(2) References from friends, teachers, pastors and others are 
solicited to gain further information. 

(3) For the ordained candidate a recommendation is requested 
from the presbytery of which he is a member and for the 
unordained candidate, a recommendation from his session. 

(4) Medical and psychiatric examinations are a routine part 
of the application. 

(5) After full information is gathered, the applicant may be 
invited to meet with the Candidate Committee of the Board. 
On the basis of a careful study by the Committee of the 
candidate's papers and after a personal interview, a 
recommendation concerning appointment will be made. 

M14. Appointment . Appointment to missionary service, except 
for some limited terms of special service, is made by the Board on 
the recommendation of the Candidate Committee. 

Appointment is made to one of the following types of overseas 
missionary service: 

M15. Regular Service . The overseas missionary who continues 
in service for many years is a basic and indispensable part of our 
church's missionary witness overseas. 

God who calls men into this service is the living God who 
continues to lead and direct. Therefore, at the end of each term 
overseas, the Board provides for itself, the missionary and the ap- 
propriate field bodies an opportunity to re-evaluate this call, with- 
out prejudice, to see what Christian obedience demands. Initial ap- 
pointment is for the regular field term. 

These persons should be professionally competent and should 
be between the ages 25 and 35, inclusive. They may be single, couples 
or families with preschool age children. Since it is often not for 
the best interest of children who have started to school to be taken 
abroad, parents with such children will not ordinarily be appointed. 
The full course of language training and pre-field orientation is 
required. 

M46. The Missionary's Maintenance . The material maintenance 
of the misionary is not intended to recompense the value of his par- 
ticular labors, nor made in consideration for the length or type of 
service which he performs. The Board seeks to provide for him what 
may be regarded as a comfortable but economical support - such as will 
free him from anxious care for his temporal needs - that he may give 
himself wholly to the work of the Lord. This maintenance consists of 
salary, housing, basic furnishing, children's allowances, medical 



162 



care, field and furlough travel, aid on pension contributions, etc., 
as hereinafter described. 

M47. Salary . All salaries of missionaries are fixed and 
regulated by the Board and in like circumstances and conditions shall 
be equal. (See Supplement Sec. SI.) 

M48. Field Salaries . Salaries on the field are adjusted to 
the economic situation in the various countries and areas according 
to differences in the cost of living, comparison being made with the 
practices of other Mission Boards and attention given to the repre- 
sentations of the missionaries themselves on the field. Payment is 
made in local currency and in U.S. dollar credits as desired by the 
missionary. 

Field Salaries of Missionary Couples . The yearly salary of a 
missionary couple without children is set by the Board for each field 
as the basic field salary for a couple. An allowance is made in ad- 
dition for minor children. (See Supplement Sec. S3.) 

Field Salaries of Single Missionaries . The field salary of a 
single missionary is set by the Board for each field as the basic 
field salary for a single missionary. (See Supplement Sec. SI .T" 

Duration of Field Salary . Field salaries begin the day the 
leaves the United States for the field or for language study in ano- 
ther country, and terminate the day the missionary departs from the 
field for furlough. 

M49. Home Salaries, General Provisions . Missionaries on 
furlough (or newly-commissioned missionaries prior to their sailing) 
will receive a basic home salary , as fixed by the Board. (See Supple- 
ment Sec. SI .) 

Salary increments to the basic home salary as determined by 
additional cost of living due to various circumstances may be made by 
the Board when deemed necessary. 

Home salary begins the day a new missionary is commissioned 
or the day a missionary departs on furlough from the field, and ends 
the day he leaves the United States for the field. Should the mis- 
sionary deviate from a direct route of travel to or from the field, 
adjustments will be made accordingly. 

M52. Housing on the Field . The Board, in addition to salary, 
will provide adequate living quarters for all missionaries. 

Furnishings . The Board provides for its missionaries certain 
basic furnishings for their living quarter, for the different fields 
according to their particular needs. A furniture allowance is made 
to the new missionary, as determined by the Board. (See Supplement 
Sec. S4.) All such furniture purchased with funds of the Board is 
for use of the new missionary but remains the property of the mis- 
sionary organizations. The missionary is responsible for supplement- 
ing these basic furnishings with such personal items as he may feel 
to be necessary. When a missionary transfers his residence, the 
missionary organization will provide moving expenses for a reasonable 



163 



amount of furniture and other personal belongings. 

M54. Children's Allowances . Specific allowances per annum 
are paid for each child as indicated below. These allowances are to 
be regarded as additions to the salaries of the parents, not intended 
to cover the full cost of maintaining children, but provided in con- 
sideration of increased family expense. (See Supplement Sec. S3.) 

M55. Children Eligible . 

(1) Children of missionaries in active service are eligible 
for children's allowances. 

(2) Adopted children of a missionary couple in active service 
are eligible for children's allowances (this privilege 

is not extended to single missionaries), provided their 
adoption meets with the approval of the Board. Such ap- 
proval will depend upon the submission to the Board of 
each adoption request prior to taking steps toward adop- 
tion. In making its decision the Board will take into 
consideration the circumstances in each case, with the 
following conditions: first, that medical opinion stron- 
ly indicates that the couple cannot have additional chil- 
dren of their own; and second, that the total number of 
children of each family, both their own and adopted, who 
would be eligible for support by the Board shall not 
exceed four. (This limitation only applies to families 
contemplating the adoption of children.) 

M56. Payment of Children's Allowances . 

(1) Graduation by age periods: 

First period: Birth to 10th birthday. 
Second period: 10th to 22nd birthday. 

(2) A special child's allowance as set by the Board, is paid 
to the parents of children under 22, enrolled in an ap- 
proved boarding school and not living in the parents' 
home, whether in this country or on the field. 

(3) Payments for Final Period. Payments continue up to the 
22nd birthday, provided the child is in school and has 
been taking undergraduate work for less than four years. 
In the case of children, 17 years of age and over, who 
for health reasons may never become financially indepen- 
dent, and whose parents are under the Board either as 
active or retired missionaries, the Board will consider 
the possibility of continuing partial payment of chil- 
dren's allowances. 

M57. Children's Education on the Field . The Board seeks to 
provide adequate educational facilities, or to underwrite reasonable 
expenses in securing such facilities, for the children of its mis- 
sionaries on the field in grades 1-12, as hereinafter provided: 



164 

Where Schools Exist on the Field . Where schools are available 
and approved for missionaries' children by the missionary organization, 
the Board will provide tuition (not to exceed a maximum allowance set 
by the Board for tuition. See Supplement Sec. S3) in grades 1-12, and 
travel to and from boarding school at the beginning and end of the 
school year. Under unusual circumstances, some allowance may be 
made for necessary transportation for day students. Parents shall pay 
for the student's board and room. Mid-year vacation travel to and 
from home may be provided by the Board upon the approval of the res- 
ponsible field body. 

Where No Schools Exist on the Field . Where no schooling 
facilities are available on the" field, the Board will pay for courses, 
such as "Calvert," given under the guidance of the parents. When 
parents are unable for valid reasons to administer such courses, the 
Board may provide a teacher of missionaries' children, underwriting 
such expenses, provided that as many as four children of missionaries 
utilize the services of such a teacher for a full academic year. 
Teachers for short periods may be employed by the missionary organiza- 
tion provided the Board through its Candidate Department approves the 
teacher, and is not responsible for her travel to and from the field. 
The Board may make a special appropriation toward her salary as cir- 
cumstances may indicate. 

Schools for Missionary Children . On some fields the Board, 
solely or in conjunction with other interested agencies, provides a 
school for missionaries' children. Similar provisions prevail as 
those indicated above under, "Where Schools Exist," the Board under- 
writing any tuition that may be charged. Such schools, to be sup- 
ported by the Board, must operate under regulations which have met 
Board approval . 

M58. Elementary and High School Education in the United 
States . In view of the availability of public education i.n the United 
States, the Board does not undertake to provide for the education of 
children of missionaries in service, who may be on furlough or for 
other approved reason in the U.S., while such children are in grades 
1-12. 

College Education . The Board will provide a special appro- 
priation for tuition expense (in addition to the ordinary child's 
allowance) for children of missionaries who are studying in college 
in the United States or abroad, in Board-approved institutions. The 
amount of this appropriation will be determined periodically by the 
Board, (See Supplement Sec. S3.) 

M59. Medical Care for Missionaries in Service . The Board 
assumes responsibility for the medical care of its missionaries and 
their children on children's allowances (including those whose adop- 
tion meets with Board approval), provided that the expenses for such 
are incurred with the approval of the Board for missionaries and their 
children in this country, or of the responsible field body for mission- 
aries and their children on the field. The Board considers that it 
discharges this obligation in providing: 



165 



(1) For medical and surgical expenses including prescribed 
medicines. (Non-prescribed medicines and supplies for 
the missionaries' medicine cabinet are not included.) 

(2) For one-half of dental and optical expenses. Exception: 
The Board pays such expenses in full for adult mission- 
aries when incurred upon recommendation of the Board's 
medical examiner in connection with arriving medical 
examination. A detailed estimate of the cost of such 
dental work must be submitted by the missionary to the 
Treasurer's office for approval before contracting for 
the work. After the estimate is approved, the total cost 
is paid by the Board. (If contact lens are desired, the 
missionary is to correspond with the Treasurer's office 
about this expense. ) 

(3) For expenses for appliances, braces, trusses, hearing 
aids, orthopedic shoes, etc., provided such expenses are 
submitted to and approved by the proper Board or respon- 
sible field body officer prior to their incurrence. 

(4) For necessary travel expenses in securing such services 
indicated in items 1-3 above, provided such travel is ap- 
proved by the proper Board officer prior to incurrence, 
except in cases of emergency, when later approval is 
acceptable. 

At stations where medical missionaries are laboring under 
commission from the Board, they are regarded as the phy- 
sicians of the missionary families connected with the 
Board, to render them service without charge, and the 
Board does not engage to be responsible for expense in- 
curred in seeking medical aid elsewhere. Where there is 
no medical missionary or other physician, the Board will 
be responsible for expense incurred in reaching or ob- 
taining the nearest competent physician or surgeon. 

(5) All medical treatment, except in cases of emergency, 
should have the authorization of the official medical 
examiner or committee. Bills for service in the U.S.A. 
should be prepared in the missionary's name, and sent to 
the Treasurer's office for payment. The missionary is to 
send into the Treasurer's office statement for all pre- 
scribed medicines for refund. Itemized statements of 
travel expenses in connection with medical expense should 
likewise be presented for approval and refund. 

An itemized account of all medical expenses on the field 
shall be presented to the Treasurer of the missionary 
organization to be paid, and then forwarded on to the 
Board Treasurer for review. 

(6) Medical examinations 



166 



On the field: Each missionary is required to undergo an 
annual medical examination on the field by a mission 
doctor, or a mission-approved doctor. 

In the United States: Every missionary is required to 
undergo thorough medical examination in the United States 
by a Board-approved examiner e\/ery three to six years. 
Such examinations undertaken on furlough shall be ar- 
ranged immediately at the beginning of the furlough, and 
a departing check-up (for furloughs longer than three 
months) within 90 days of departing from the United 
States. 

Expenses of medical examinations: Expenses of such re- 
quired examinations, and resulting medical requirements, 
shall be borne by the Board. 

The Missionary's Maintenance Supplement: 1965 



SI. Annual Salaries 








Field 


Married 




Single 


Africa 
East Brazil 
North Brazil 
West Brazil 
Japan 


$3,260.00 
3,250.00 
3,250.00 
3,250.00 
3,960.00 




$1,775.00 
1,680.00 
1,680.00 
1,680.00 

2,160.00 living alone 
2,040.00 living with 


Korea 

Mexico 

Taiwan 


4,020.00 
3,260.00 
3,480.00 




another missionary 
2,040.00 
1,920.00 
1,800.00 


Home salary 
(on furlough) 


4,050.00 




2,500.00 


32. Rent Allowances 


1 (on furlough) 


will be paid up to: 



$ 75 monthly for single missionaries 

100 monthly for missionary couples without children 

110 monthly for missionary couples with up to two children 

125 monthly for missionary couples with more than two children 

S3. Child Allowances (same on the field and on furlough): 

Up to 10 years of age $30.00 per month per child 

10 to 21 years of age $37.50 per month per child 

10 to 21 years of age $55.00 per month per child 
(if in boarding school) 



167 



On the field the Board will provide tuition up to $700 in 
grades 1-12 for the education of missionaries' children in approved 
institutions. The Board will pay up to $700 for children in college, 
in addition to the child allowance listed above to cover difference 
between tuition costs and other grants received. 

54. Outfit Allowances for New Missionaries . All new mission- 
aries appointed to a four-year term will be eligible to receive the 
following allowances: personal outfit, books and furniture. New 
missionaries serving less than a four-year term will receive a pro- 
portionate part of the total allowance. 

$300 personal outfit allowance for each )Husbands and wives 
missionary counted 

$ 25 book allowance for each missionary )separately 

$ 75 personal outfit allowance for each 
child 

Personal and book allov/ances payable six months within sailing 
date and as soon as final medical clearance is received. 

$300 heavy furniture allowance for missionary couple after 

arriving on field.* 
$150 heavy furniture allowance for single missionary after 

arriving on field.* 

*To be handled through correspondence with the Treasury 
Department. Furniture remains the property of the Board of 
World Missions. 

Ordinarily, missionaries in Africa are provided furniture on 
the field and do not receive this allowance. 

55. Freight Allowance . The following freight allowances are 
for missionaries serving a four-year term. Those serving less than a 
four-year term will recieve a proportionate part of the total allow- 
ance. 

It is not expected that furlough missionaries will ordinarily 
need the full amount of this allowance, and it is understood that for 
all missionaries the Board will be expected to pay only for essential 
personal property. The Treasury Department provides a list of es- 
sential personal property for each field for new missionaries. 

Africa and Brazil . The Board will pay all inland freight 
both to and from the missionary's home in the United States to the 
port, and to and from the port and the missionary's home on the field. 

In addition to the inland freight, the Board will make the 
following allowances for ocean freight, duty, packing, crating and 
all other expenses: 

For missionaries traveling to or from furlough up to $150 
for each missionary ($300 for a couple) and up to $50 for 



168 



each child. 

For new missionaries up to $250 for each missionary ($500 for 
couple) and up to $80 for each child. 

For missionaries going to Belgium for a period of study up to 
50% above the normal allov;ance. 

M62. Purpose of Field Vacations . Missionaries are expected 
to take such annual vacations from their work as will safeguard health 
and promote maximum effectiveness in their work. 

M63. Frequency . Vacations are to be taken annually, and may 
not be accumulated from year to year. Subdivision of the annual per- 
iod into two shorter semi-annual vacations is permissable. 

M64. Time . Vacations ordinarily should be taken annually at 
such times as will be of the least detriment to the work. Ordinarily, 
there should be one less vacation in a term of service than there are 
years in that term of service. No vacation is allowable in conjunc- 
tion with furlough. Furlough is understood to be in lieu of vacation. 

M65. Duration . Vacations shall ordinarily be for one month, 
unless the period be lengthened or shortened by specific Board action 
upon recommendation of the responsible field body. 

M66. Location . Ordinarily, vacations are to be taken in the 
general vicinity of the work. Vacations outside the country may be 
taken upon prior approval of plans by the missionary organization (or 
the Clearance Committee designated by the missionary organization), 
report of such plans being made to the Board. 

M67. Outfit Allowance . All new missionaries will be eligible 
to receive the following allowances: personal outfit, books and 
furniture. New missionaries serving less than a full field term will 
receive a proportionate part of the total allowance. (See Supplement 
Sec. S4.) 

M68. Travel . The Board pays the travel expenses by the most 
direct route for all of our missionaries, en route to the fields and 
when they return to the States. Immediately upon arrival on the 
field they are to make complete settlement with the Field Treasurer, 
and when they arrive in the States, they are to make settlement im- 
mediately with the Board Treasurer. 

M69. Purchasing and Shipping . All orders to be placed for 
our missionaries and for the missions are to be sent in to the 
Treasurer's office. Detailed shipping instructions will be given the 
companies when the orders are placed by the Treasurer's office. 

M71 . Basic Field Term . The basic term shall be four years 



169 



for all fields. This term (for Regular Service missionaries) may be 
shortened by as much as two years, or it may be lengthened (one year 
at a time) for as much as two years. Unless the Regular Service 
missionary makes request for an alternative term (at least one and 
ordinarily two years in advance), he will be routinely scheduled for 
the basic four-year term. Missionaries appointed for Special Term 
Service, Volunteer Service and Specialized Service are expected to 
fulfill the full length of overseas service specified in their ap- 
pointment, without such shortening or lengthening of the term as 
above. 

Maximum term . No missionary may remain on the field for more 
than six consecutive years without furlough. 

M72. Furlough: Purposes . The furlough is provided for pur- 
poses of physical recuperation, mental and spiritual re-invigoration, 
re-establishment of family and church relationships, special study in 
the line of one's particular work, and the dissemination of informa- 
tion and interest in the home churches. The furlough is not simply 
a vacation; it is an extension of one's missionary ministry. It is 
not a reward for service performed; it is a preparation for future 
work. 

M73. Length and Frequency . 

(1) System of furloughs: 

For one year on the field - no furlough. 

For 21 months or two years on the field - three months 

furlough (no freight allowance). 
For 33 months or three years on the field - six months 

furlough (and 1/2 the basic freight allowance). 
For four years on the field - twelve months furlough 

(and full basic freight allowance). 
For five years on the field - twelve months furlough 

(and full basic freight allowance). 
For six years on the field - twelve months furlough 

(and full basic freight allowance). 

(2) Beginning and ending: Furlough time is computed from 
departure from field (port of embarkation) to departure 
from the U.S.A. (port of embarkation). Time spent in 
international travel to the U.S.A. is counted a part of 
furlough. 

(3) Relation to field vacation time: Furlough is understood 
to take the place of annual field vacation in the year or 
years in which they coincide. Vacation may not be added 
to either the beginning or ending of furlough in order to 
lengthen the furlough. 

(4) Full allowable time not mandatory: It is not required 
that one take the full length of allowed furlough. How- 
ever, he must be cleared medically, and the intention to 
take less than the allowed furlough must be approved by 
the Area Secretary and the appropriate field body. 



170 



(5) Re: Approval to return to the field: For Regular Service 
missionaries, one-half of the authorized length of fur- 
lough is due on arrival in the U.S.A. for furlough; the 
remianing half is authorized only upon the missionary's 
decision and approval to return to the field. If the 
decision and his approval to return to the field is not 
forthcoming by the time that one-half the authorized 
length of furlough has expired, the missionary shall 
thereupon, immediately and automatically be placed on 
leave of absence without salary or allowances until it is 
determined what the missionary's future relationship to 
this Board will be. Approval to return to the field may 
not be given until satisfactory arrangements have been 
made regarding any outstanding financial indebtedness of 
the missionary to the Board. For Special Term Service, 
Volunteer Service and Specialized missionaries, one 
month of salary (at the furlough rate) is due in the U.S. 
A. for each year of service abroad, up to a maximum of 
three months or until gainful employment is secured if 
that should be sooner; however, if during this time 
such missionary seeks and secures re-appointment to over- 
seas missionary service under this Board, he will be 
allowed furlough, from the time of his departure from the 
field, in accordance with the regular schedule of lengths 
and frequencies of furlough. 

Missionaries coming home to retire receive no furlough, 
but instead receive three months of "terminal pay." 

Place of Furlough . Country . It is expected that furlough is 
to be taken in the U.S.A., unless exception is authorized by the 
Board. 

Residence . In the interests of the closest possible contact 
with and understanding of the home Church during furlough, mission- 
aries are encouraged to arrange their furlough residence in the 
widest possible dispersal throughout the bounds of the Church. The 
Board will be of assistance to the missionary in finding suitable 
furnished housing for furlough. 



APPENDIX 2 

OFFICIAL SUGGESTIONS CONCERNING OUTFIT 

FOR THE CONGO, 1956 

Owing to natural differences in personal tastes it is impossible for 
any outfit list to be more than suggestive. Personal tastes and hab- 
its must govern your choice of equipment. It is not expected that 
anyone will want or need all the articles listed, but it is hoped that 
these suggestions will serve as a guide which will enable you to 
choose for yourself those things that will be most useful and that 
will make you most comfortable in your Congo home. 

In all your planning it will be v/ell to remember the following: 

1. See the Executive Committee f'anual for information 
regarding baggage allowance, shipping, furniture, 
etc. 

2. Anything that makes your home more attractive and 
comfortable in America (except electrical equipment) 
will be useful in the Congo - mirrors, vases, pic- 
tures, bookends, candlesticks, small washable rugs, 
etc. Large heavy rugs and carpets are not satis- 
factory. 

3. You will probably have to do more entertaining than 
the average housekeeper at home, much of this at 
meals, so you will need a larger supply of table 
linen, dishes and silver than at home. 

4. At present there are no dry cleaners, barbers or 
beauty shops available in A. P. CM. territory, so 
go prepared to be your own barber, cleaner and 
beautician. (Barber and beauty shops now in Lulua- 
bourg and Leopoldvil le. ) 

5. Take a good mattress and springs. (Bedsteads are 
made on the field to fit these.) Good beds are an 
essential, so economize somewhere else. 

6. Take supplies for eighteen months. This will give 
you time to see what is obtainable on the field 
and to place necessary orders in America before 
these supplies are exhausted. 

7. A greater variety of merchandise of increasingly 
better quality is appearing in the local stores 
constantly so do not feel obligated to depend en- 
tirely on what you take from America. Many of the 
newly-arrived missionaries seem to feel that they 
might well have brought fewer supplies and still 
have been adequately equipped. 

171 



172 



Clothing for the Field 

Women . Any type of clothing used in summer in America that does not 

require dry cleaning is suitable for the Congo. A good supply of wash 

dresses for morning wear and a few a bit dressier for afternoon and 

evening are most suitable. A dinner dress is worn very seldom and is 
not a necessity. 

Shoes and hose as used in summer at home. Many wear only anklets or 
footlets. (See special note on shoes.) (Few women wear hose.) 

Felt and straw hats with medium or large brims usually give sufficient 
protection from the sun. Helmets are obtainable on field if extra 
protection is needed. 

Take a light-weight rain coat, umbrella, and galoshes or rubbers if 
you use them. (Two or three cheap cotton umbrellas are nice to have.) 
(Sometimes obtainable in stores.) 

On most stations a light-weight coat and/or sweater is needed at times. 

Order sanitary napkins or tampons in quantity from Montgomery Ward. 
Take a supply with you. These are sometimes available at Luluabourg 
at rather high prices. (Always available but over 30,00 frs. a dozen 
in price. ) 

Attractive materials for women and children's clothes are available 
on the field, but patterns are unobtainable. (Khaki, denim, drill are 
on sale and Congolese are good tailors. Patterns from Belgium are ob- 
tainable. Ready-made clothes available in shops in cities, but high.) 

Men . Suits of seersucker, linen, palm beach, gabardine or white duck 
are most useful. A good supply of extra trousers in khaki or any of 
the above materials is needed for every day wear. Industrial men will 
take suitable work clothes. Most of the time men go coatless and 
wear open-throated sport shirts. Take dress and sport shirts, pajamas, 
underwear, handkerchiefs, socks, ties, etc., according to personal 
taste. 

Whatever type of shoes you find comfortable in U.S. will be suitable 
for the Congo. Most do not like sandals on account of dust, sand and 
jiggers. 

Straw and felt hats are worn. Helmets obtainable locally if extra sun 
protection is needed. 

Children . Clothing as for summer at home. Brim felt hats should be 
worn both as a protection from the sun and for the eyes. Some parents 
order extra clothing from M. Ward, others bring patterns and either 
sew for the children or teach a native tailor to do so. Good mater- 
ials can be bought but no patterns. Satisfactory underwear must be 



173 



taken from America. 

Socks and shoes as in summer at home except that many do not use san- 
dals on account of sand and jiggers. Experience has shown that a 
child will Msually need shoes of every size and half -size up to about 
8 years of age. From 8 to 13 or 14 years, each new pair of shoes 
should probably be one size larger than the previous pair. It is not 
advisable for children to go barefooted. Most parents find they can 
order from M. Ward and get satisfactory shoes. In emergencies one 
can sometimes buy locally, but up to the present, quality has not 
been very satisfactory and sizes have been limited. 

Children will need light wraps, coats, sweaters or windbreakers, rain 
coats and rubbers are required for children in Central School. 

Party supplies, crayons, color books, toys, novelties, crepe paper, 
fancy paper napkins, story books according to ages and tastes of child- 
ren should be taken with you as there is little of this nature in the 
stores. 

Consult the Committee as to school books and supplies for the children 
through the third grade. Most parents find Calvert courses preferable. 
After the third grade children attend Central School at Lubondai . 

Nurses . Take 8 to 12 uniforms as a minimum. Some make new uniforms 
on the field, some order from M. Ward or a Nurses Supply Shop, others 
take a large supply for three years. Take three or four pairs nurse's 
shoes. 

Most of the younger nurses wear white socks instead of hose with their 
uniforms. 

Teachers at Central School . Have a small suite of sitting room, bed- 
room and bath, so will need only personal supplies and pictures, vases. 
etc., to make their rooms attractive. You will want one or two dinner 
dresses as the school has two or three "dress-up" parties for the 
children each year. 

Single Missionaries . While all single missionaries are invited to 
board if they so desire, all but one or two have preferred to have 
their own homes either alone or in groups, after they have learned the 
language. 

Special Note on Shoes . Many missionaries find Montgomery Ward shoes 
very satisfactory and order from the field as needed. Some few find 
they can get fitted in the local stores. If you are difficult to fit 
or prefer a special shoe, either take a term's supply with you or 
leave your size and style with a dealer from whom you can order par- 
cel post if necessary. 



174 

Toilet and Other Personal Articles . Toilet articles for both men and 
women are available in the Congo, including some popular brands, but 
it is well to take a small personal supply. Take dental floss, band- 
aids, clinical thermometer, hot water bottle. An import license is 
required for all medicines brought into the Congo, but you may take a 
small personal supply of such things as may be needed on the journey - 
aspirin, quinine, listerine, etc., in your personal luggage. 

Waterproof WATCHES and cheap watches (Ingersoll) have proved most 
practical in the Congo though a few have been able to use the popular 
expensive ones they already had. Take extra wrist bands and crystals 
for your watch. If you have a good alarm clock take it, otherwise 
you can buy one on the field. 

If you have a cedar chest or moth proof garment bag for your woolens, 
take it along. Otherwise woolens may be kept in a tight-closing trunk 
with moth preventive. Take a supply of garment hangers. 

Typewriters . Take either portable or upright model. If the latter, 
see that it is properly packed by a reliable typewriter dealer. Take 
a small supply of extra ribbons, type cleaner and brush. Paper and 
carbon available on the field. 

Phonograph . Is not a necessity, but if you have one it will give much 
pleasure to your native friends. They enjoy good music. 

Take any small musical instrument you play, but we do not advise tak- 
ing a piano. Wait until you reach the field and decide on the advis- 
ability of getting one. 

Radio . Do not take one from America. Good tropical radios are avail- 
able on the field and give much better satisfaction. 

Bicycles . Do not take a bicycle. Excellent light-weight European 
models are obtainable on the field at a very reasonable price and are 
preferable to the heavier American type. 

Hobbies and Sports . Be governed by your tastes - tennis racquet, 
bathing suit and cap, camera and extra films, developing outfits, bad- 
minton, croquet, any indoor games that appeal to you. If you like 
hunting, only one rifle and one shot gun are allowed per person by 
the Belgian government, and only 15 kilos (30 pounds) of ammunition. 
If your baggage does not accompany you, pack guns and ammunition in 
separate case. This will be held at Matadi until you arrive and se- 
cure the necessary permits from your local Administrateur Territorial. 
If you like fishing, a bait-casting outfit and salt water rod and reel 
are preferable. 

Glasses . If you wear glasses take an extra pair and leave your pre- 
scription where you can get it filled in case of need. Many use sun- 



175 



glasses. If you take them consult your occulist for suitable make. 

Sewing Equipment . If you have a sewing machine, take it. Portable 
hand sewing machines are available on the field. Take a good supply 
of needles, pins, safety pins, buttons, snaps, hooks and eyes, trim- 
mings, laces, bindings, buckles, patterns, knitting and crochet 
supplies (all these according to your personal tastes and needs). 
Young married women will probably want to take a layette or material 
for making same. 

Native women are eager to learn knitting and crocheting and inexpen- 
sive supplies for classes will be most useful. 

Office Supplies . Personal stationery, air-mail, greeting and corres- 
pondence cards, typewriter erasers, ink eradicator, poster and con- 
struction paper, colored crayons, fountain pen, scotch tape, thumb 
tacks, pencil sharpener, pen knife, blotters, ruler, manilla folders, 
gift-wrapping paper and ribbon, all according to personal needs and 
taste. Typewriter paper, carbon, plain and air-mail envelopes are 
usually available. 

Refrigeration . This is almost a necessity. A small or medium size 
kerosene burning refrigerator is most practical. Take extra parts, 
wicks, chimneys, etc., according to the make. Order directly from the 
Export Division of the Company through the Committee. This will in- 
sure proper packing and you will probably get it at wholesale price. 
If you prefer to wait until you arrive on the field, refrigerators of 
all sizes and reliable makes are becoming increasingly available. 

Lights . At present yery few homes have electric lights. In any case, 
you will find the following useful and occasionally necessary in 
emergencies. For a good reading light orcer one of these two: 

1 COLEMAN kerosene burning lamp complete with shade, 
1 dozen extra generators and 1 extra chimney. Mantles 
are available in the Congo, but you might order 2 
dozen extra mantles with the lamp. 

OR 

1 ALLADIN kerosene burning lamp complete with shade, 

2 dozen extra mantles and 3 flame spreaders. Chimneys 
available in Congo. Order also 3 or 4 extra wicks. 

For use in kitchen, bedroom and bath, order from M. Ward: 

2 bracket lamps complete. No. 3 burner, 1 doz. each 
extra wicks and chimneys. 

1 table lamp complete, No. 3 burner, with 1/2 doz. 
each extra wicks and chimneys. 



176 



Kerosene and gasoline lanterns available in local shops. After ar- 
riving on the field you may wish to buy a small home electric lighting 
plant, but we do not advise buying before arriving on the field. 

Seed . Most missionaries make small vegetable gardens. Most easily 
grown are Ky. Wonder or other pole beans, carrots, turnips, tomatoes, 
celery, lettuce, eggplant, cucumbers, radishes. Take easily grown 
flowering annuals and seed and bulbs of other favorite flowers. Take 
a limited supply of seeds as they do not keep well and parcel post 
orders may be placed in America and South Africa as desired. 

Household Equipment . All heavy furniture is made on the field. For 
the kitchen aluminum ware is most satisfactory as it stands up under 
the hard usage given it by native cooks and house boys. A little pyrex 
or other oven ware is nice to have, but is subject to rather heavy 
breakage. If you already have a pressure cooker and canning equipment, 
take it along, but we do not advise investing in new equipment before 
you have been on the field. Take extra rotary egg beater as they do 
not last long in the hands of Congo cooks. Consult any good cookbook 
for basic kitchen equipment list. Many prefer Dutch ovens to regular 
roasters. 

These articles are especially necessary in Congo: 

2 large tea kettles (all drinking water must be boiled) 

1 coffee grinder 

1 small hand grist mill for making corn meal (See M. Ward 

catalog) 
1 good meat grinder 
1 kitchen scale for weighing up to sixteen or twenty-four 

pounds 
1 or more thermos bottles (small ones obtainable on field) 
1 table service bell 

1 or more tight lidded tin boxes for packing lunches 

2 bread pans 

1 or 2 large aluminum trays are desirable but not essential 
6 or 8 good padlocks 
1 hammer 

Assorted tacks and small nails (larger nails obtainable locally) 
1 utility saw 

1 small, one medium screwdriver 
1 pair pliers 

Order brooms, mops, curtain rods from M. Ward (American type 
not available locally) 

Table Linens and Bedding . Take a good supply of table linens, accord- 
ing to personal taste, luncheon cloths and mats for daily use, large 
cloths for occasional use. Most of the dining tables are round, 52-60 
inches in diameter. You will find mat sets for 6 or 8 places prefer- 
able to 4. 



177 



Take 10-12 yards inexpensive white or neutral material for curtains. 
If you take ready-made curtains, 6 or 8 pairs alike, 2-1/2 yards long 
will be most usable. Materials for heavy draperies in limited pat- 
terns are available locally or may be ordered from America after you 
are assigned a home and know your needs. 

You may take mosquito nets to fit your bed or buy netting on the 
field and have them made there. 

You will need more dresser scarves, doilies, tray cloths and table 
runners than in America. This minimum list may be helpful, though 
they may nearly all be bought or made on the field if desired. 

2 pillows per bed (should be taken from America) 

4 sheets per bed 

4 pillow cases per bed 

2 washable bed spreads per bed 
1 or 2 light blankets per bed 
6 or 8 dresser scarves 

6 table runners 

3 or 4 tray cloths 

1 doz. bath towels per person 
face and hand towels as desired 
1/2 doz. bath cloths per person 
1 or 2 bath mats 



Groceries. Practically all groceries may be purchased on the field at 
a price slightly higher than those ordered from America. It is ad- 
visable to wait to place a large order until you arrive on the field 
and see for yourself what is available there. 

Write to Francis H. Leggett Co., in New York, for a wholesale catalog. 
Order from them such of the following articles as you desire. These 
are either unobtainable or much more expensive locally. Many of them 
will last your first term through. 

carton (or case) paper towels 
carton " Kleenex 

" " toilet tissue 

" " waxed paper 

carton paper napkins " 

" soap flakes (Lux or Ivory) 

" Brillo or other aluminum cleaner 

" baking soda 

" table salt 

" baking powder 

" 3 1b. tins or jars Crisco, Snowdrift or Spry 



Flavoring extracts, spices, herbs, condiments according to taste. 



178 



Jellies, jams, canned fruits and vegetables, rice, yeast, flour, sugar, 
butter, laundry soap, cheese, starch, coffee, cocoa, cooking oils , 
blueing, tubs, buckets, charcoal irons, bread boards, ironing boards 
are available locally. 

At present raisins, jello, pudding mixes, etc., are not being packed 
satisfactorily for the tropics. All are at times found in the local 
shops. 

Peanuts, pineapple, bananas, other tropical fruits and some fresh vege- 
tables are obtainable from the natives. 

EVANGELISTIC MISSIONARIES EXPECTING TO ITINERATE 

Should take: 

1 good camp bed and mosquito net 

1 or 2 good canteens for drinking v/ater 

Inexpensive enamel or aluminum dishes and cutlery for 

table (service for 2 or 3) 
Extra cooking utensils, tea kettle, 2 or 3 covered pans, 

small frying pan, coffee pot, teapot for camping, 

also cooking forks, spoons and knives 

Up to the present time no one has considered the kerosene camp cooking 
outfits feasible; fuel expensive and hard to carry; native cooks do 
not handle them well , 

YOU WILL FIND IT ADVISABLE TO PLACE ALL YOUR ORDERS THROUGH THE EXECU- 
TIVE COMMITTEE. 

ADDITIONAL STATEMENT TO BE INCORPORATED 
IN THE CONGO OUTFIT LIST, 1955 

We strongly urge you not to go into debt by buying outside of your 
means. It is better to wait until you get on the field because so 
many things can be bought locally or ordered later. Many missionaries 
arrive with items they never use, or find need for other items that 
they have not brought. It will depend on the station you live on as 
to v;hat your needs will be. The items that are essential are so 
marked. The other items in this list are discussed from a standpoint 
of information. Please do not feel that you have to have everything 
on this list! 

Do not buy any electrical equipment until you arrive on the field and 
see what your needs will be. It is suggested that you store toasters, 
electric irons, etc., at home until you see exactly what your individ- 
ual situation will be. 

Cars . Personal cars are not essential . Mission cars are available for 
necessary trips. If you have ample financial backing and want a car. 



179 



be sure you understand the financial outlay on customs, transport, 
upkeep, and cost of operation. You may have to do all your own re- 
pair work. 

We recommend that you bring no medicines except for first aid on the 
trip and any special prescriptions that you may require. Coming into 
Congo you will have difficulties with medicines because special per- 
mits are required for them. Thermometers and hot water bottles are 
essential. 

SUGGESTED CHANGES IN THE CONGO OUTFIT LIST 

In the paragraph on shoes, leave out "Most do not like sandals on 
account of dust, sand and jiggers." This is no longer true. Many 
prefer sandals. 

In the paragraph on mosquito netting, we suggest that those people 
going through Belgium get it there since the Congo stores have a 
variety of sizes and qualities. 



REFERENCES CITED 

Anderson, V.A. 

1959 Still led in triumph. Nashville, TN: Board of World 
Missions, Presbyterian Church in the United States. 

American Presbyterian Congo Mission 

Various Minutes of the mission meeting. Luebo, Belgian Congo: 
years J. Leighton Wilson Press. 

American Presbyterian Congo Mission 

1957 Constitution, by-laws and standing rules of the American 
Presbyterian Congo Mission. Luebo, Belgian Congo: J. 
Leighton Wilson Press. 

Arensberg, CM. and Solon T. Kimball 

1965 Culture and community. New York: Harcourt, Brace and 
World. 

Arensberg, CM. and A.H. Niehoff 

1964 Introducing social change. Chicago: Aldine Publishing 
Co. 

Bailleul, H. 

1959 Les Bayaka: aperfu de revolution economique et politique 
de leur pays jusqu'en 1958. Zaire 13: 823-842. 

Bateson, Gregory 

1935 Culture contact and schismogenesis. Man 35: 178-83. 

Bee, Robert L. 

1974 Patterns and processes: an introduction to anthropolo- 
gical strategies for the study of sociocultural change. 
New York: The Free Press. 

Beguin, Hubert 

1965 Espoirs, bilans et lecons d'un "paysannat" au Congo. 
Tiers-monde 6: 891-913. 

Beidelman, T.O. 

1974 Social theory and the study of missions in Africa. 
Africa 44: 235-249. 

180 



181 

Board of World Missions 

various Annual report of the Board of World Missions: Nashville, 
years TN: Board of World Missions, Presbyterian Church in the 
United States. 

Briey, Pierre de 

1945 Migration of indigenous workers in the Belgian Congo. 
International Reviev; of Labor 52: 335-351. 

Chappie, Eliot D. and Carleton Coon 

1942 Principles of anthropology. Mew York: Holt, Rinehart 
and Winston. 

Comhaire, Jean 

1956 Some aspects of urbanization in the Belgian Congo. Ameri- 
can Journal of Sociology 62: 8-13. 

Dellicour, F. 

1952 L'attraction excerce par les centres urbains et industriels 
dans le Congo Beige. IMCIDl Record 27: 485-494. 

Dupriez, G. 

1965 La renumeration miriimum legale. Cahiers Economiques et 
Sociaux 3: 455-473. 

Duvieusart, Etienne 

1959 Note sur le comerce indigene dans les grands centres 
extracoutumiers du Congo Beige. Problemes Sociaux 
Congolais 45: 71-93. 

Hall, Edward T. 

1959 The silent language. New York: Fawcett World Library. 

Hance, William A. , ed. 

1970 Population, migration and urbanization in Africa. New 
York: Columbia University Press. 

Kimball, Solon T. and Marian Persall 

1955 Event analysis as an approach to community study. Social 
Forces 34: 58-63. 

Lapsley, J. W. , ed. 

1893 Life and letters of Samuel Howell Lapsley, missionary to 
the Congo Valley, West Africa. Richmond, VA: Wittet and 
Shepperson. 

Libotte, M. 

1953 L'Evolution du probleme du logement au CEC d'Elisabeth- 
ville. Problemes Sociaux Congolais 21: 53-66. 



182 

Malinowski, B. 

1938 Methods of study of culture contact in Africa. London: 
Oxford University Press. 

Mbiti , John S. 

1969 African religions and philosophy. London: Heinemann. 

McDonald, Gordon C. 

1971 Area handbook for the Democratic Republic of the Congo 
(Congo Kinshasa). U.S. Government Printing Office 
(DA Parn 550-67). 

McLean, D.A. 

1962 The sons of Muntu: an ethnological study of the Bena 
Lulua tribe in south central Congo. Unpublished M.A. 
thesis, University of Wi tivatersrand. 

Mead, Margaret 

1964 Continuities in cultural evolution. Nev^ Haven, CN: 
Yale University Press. 

Moeller, A.J. 

1952 L 'attraction excercee par les centres urbains et industriels 
dans le Congo Beige. INCIDI Record 27: 189-196. 

Moeller, A. J. , ed. 

1954 Guide du voyageur au Congo Beige. Bruxelles: L'Office 
du Tourisme du Congo Beige. 

Moritz, B. 

1947 Histoire de la foundation du Post de Luluabourg (Malandji). 
Probleiiies Sociaux Congolais 4: 51-67. 

Raucq, Paul 

1961 Les relations entre tribus au Kasai , leur incidences geo- 
politique et econornique. Africa-Tervuren 7: 47-58. 

Romaniuk, Anatole 

1959 Evolution et perspectives demographiques de la population 
au Congo. Zaire 15: 563-626. 

1968 The demography of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. 
]_n The demography of tropical Africa. Wm. Brass, ed. 
Princeton, MJ: Princeton University Press, pp. 241-341. 

Rotberg, Robert I. 

1965 A political history of tropical Africa. New York: 
Harcourt, Brace and World. 



183 



Shaloff, Stanley 

1970 Reform in Leopold's Congo. Richmond, VA: John Knox 
Press. 

Slade, Ruth M. 

1959 English-speaking missions in the Congo Independent State 
(1878-1908). Academie Royal e des Sciences Coloniales 
(Memoires in 8% Vol. 16, No. 2). 

Thompson, E.T. 

1963 Presbyterians in the South: Volume one: 1607-1861. 
Richmond, VA: John Knox Press. 

Trewartha, G.T. and W. Zelinsky 

1954 The population geography of Belgian Africa. Annals of 
the Association of American Geographers 44: 163-193. 

Verner, Samuel P. 

1903 Pioneering in Central Africa. Richmond, VA: Presbyter- 
ian Committee of Publication. 

Welbourn, F.B. 

1971 Missionary stimulus and African responses. Ir^ Colonialism 
in Africa. Vol. 3, V. Turner, ed. Cambridge: University 
Press, pp. 310-345. 

Wharton, E.T. 

1952 Led in triumph. Nashville, TN: Board of World Missions, 
Presbyterian Church of the United States. 

Wolcott, H.F. 

1972 Too good to be true: the subculture of American mission- 
aries in urban Africa. Practical Anthropology 19: 241- 
258. 

Yngve, Victor H. 

1973 Human linguistics and face-to-face interaction. A paper 
presented at the International Congress of Anthropolo- 
gical and Ethnological Sciences, Chicago (Pre-Congress 
Conference on Communication). 



ADDITIONAL REFERENCES 

Baeta, C.C. 

1968 Christianity in tropical Africa. London: Oxford Press. 

Bateman, C.S.L. 

1889 The first ascent of the Kasai : being some records of 
service under the lone star. New York: Dodd and flead. 

Bermc.ri, E.H, 

1974 African responses to Christian mission education. African 
Studies Review 17: 527-540. 

Biaye, M. 

1951 Moeurs et coutumes funebres chez les Baluba du Kasai. 
Voix du Congolais 7: 181-183. 

Bouillon, A. 

1954 La corporation des chasseurs Baluba. Zaire 8: 563-594. 
1953 Les mamiferes dans le folklore Luba. Zaire 7: 563-602. 

Hilton-Simpson, M.W. 

1911 Land and peoples of the Kasai. London: Constable. 

Kalanda, A. 

1953 Deux contes Luba. Kongo-Overzee 19: 458-463. 

Leyder, J. 

1947 Primaute de I'humain en Afrique noire: de la psycholo- 
gies des noirs du Congo Beige. Bulletin de la Societe 
Royale Beige de Geographie 71: 91-111. 

Lietard, L. 

1929 Etude sommaire sur le tribu des Luluas. Bulletin de la 
Society Royale Beige de Geographie 53: 40-43. 

Mbiye, B. 

1955 L'arbre qui porte des fruits. Kongo-Overzee 21: 54-70. 

184 



185 



MacGaffey, W. 

1972 Comparative analysis of central African religions. Africa 
42: 21-31. 

McLean, David A. and T.J. Soloman 

1971 Divination among the Bena Lulua. Journal of Religion in 
Africa 4: 25-44. 

Markov itz, M.D, 

1973 Cross and sword: the political role of Christian missions 
in the Belgian Congo, 1908-1960. Stanford, CA: Hoover 
Institution Press. 

Merriam, A. P. 

1959 The concept of culture clusters applied to the Belgian 

Congo. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 15: 373-395. 

Moritz, B. 

1951 La fondation du poste de Luluabourg. Louvanium 19: 18-34, 

Morrison, W.M. 

1906 Grammar of the Buluba-Lulua language. Luebo, Belgian 
Congo: J. Leighton Wilson Press. 

Pieraerts, G. 

1936 Synthese des Baluba. Bulletin de la Societe Royal e Beige 
de Geographie 56: 36-51. 

Samain, A. 

1922 Proverbs Baluba. Congo 3: 354-365. 

Stappers, L. 

1962 Textes Luba: contes d'animaux. Annales de la Musee 
Royale de Afrique Centrale 41: 1-116. 

Van Bulck, V. 

1952 Le probleme linguistique dans les missions d'Afrique 
central. Zaire 6: 53-68. 

Vansina, J. 

1968 Religions et societes en Afrique centrale. Cahiers des 
Religions Africaines 2: 95-107. 

1956 Migrations dans la provence du Kasai, une hypothese. 
Zaire 10: 69-85. 



186 



Van Zandijcke, A. 

1950 La revolte de Luluabourg (4 Juillet 1895). Zaire 4: 

931-963. 

1953 Pages d'histoire du Kasayi. Namure: Collection Lavigerie 

Verdick, E. 

1927 Historique de Luluabourg. Congo 2: 361-367. 

Vervaecke, J. 

1910 Les Bena Lulua. Revue Congolaise 1: 69-86 and 325-345. 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 

Daniel P. Juengst was born in Mt. Kisco, New York, December 
27, 1928. In 1953 he received the B.A. degree from Furman University 
in Greenville, South Carolina. In 1956 he graduated from Union Theo- 
logical Seminary in Virginia, receiving the Masters of Divinity degree, 
In 1957 he was ordained as a clergyman in the Presbyterian Church in 
the United States and served as a missionary in the Republic of Zaire 
(former Belgian Congo) from 1957 until 1968. In 1966 he received the 
M.A. degree in African Studies from Hov/ard University in Washington, 
D.C. During 1968-1970 he held an African Studies Research Assistant- 
ship at the University of Florida while doing doctoral coursework. 
During 1970-1972 he taught at the Middle Normal School of the National 
University of Zaire in Kananga, Zaire. He taught Anthropology and 
Sociology at the Baptist College at Charleston in Charleston, South 
Carolina during 1973 and 1974. In 1975 he returned to the University 
of Florida for the dissertation write-up. During this period he also 
held a research assistantship from the Center for African Studies at 
the University of Florida. 

Mr. Juengst is married to the former Sara Covin and they are 
the parents of 4 children. 



187 



I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion 
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is 
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree 
of Doctor of Philosophy. 



tfr'ian M. djiX©-i-t-r"C"haTrman 
Professor of Anthropology 



I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion 
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is 
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree 
of Doctor of Philosophy. 



r 



'^<f^ 



ptnu'^ 



Solon T. Kimball 
Professor of Anthropology 



I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion 
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is 
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree 
of Doctor of Philosophy. 




HarTf=wr-Houssi kian 

Associate Professor of Romance 

Languages and Literatures 



I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion 
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is 
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree 
of Doctor of Philosophy. 




Carol E. Taylor 

Assistant Professor of Nursing 



I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion 
it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is 
fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree 
of Doctor of Philosophy. 




[i chard H. ^4'^s ' '/ 
Professor of Religion 



This dissertation was submitted to the Department of Anthropology in 
the College of Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was 
accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of 
Doctor of Philosophy. 



December, 1975 



rM' 



V__. 



Dean, Graduate School 



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